There is no abstract available for this dissertation.

The 1980 amendments to the 1966 National Historic Preservation Act require each State Historic Preservation Office to research and document specific themes important to the history and development of the state. These statements, included in the state's comprehensive preservation plan, aid in the identification and evaluation of historic properties as potential National Register sites.Indiana has developed twelve broad themes to be used in the creation of context statements for the state's seven regions. Area Seven includes Lake, Porter, LaPorte, Pulaski, Starke, Jasper, Newton, Benton and White counties. This context statement provides essential information for defining significant historic properties related to African-American history in northwestern Indiana between 1850 and 1940. / Department of Architecture

By the end of the Civil War in 1865 Indiana's Republicans were faced with a crucial dilemma. Republican Moderates were urging party rank and file to support a constitutional amendmdnt to change the basis of apportionment in the House of Representatives so that the South would not gain more seats by reason of the fact that the emancipation of the four million slaves had rendered the three-fifths compromise null and void. In other words, the Moderates were acutely aware that the South would now be able to count all of its black population for the purpose of apportionment in the House, and that this increase would also be reflected in the electoral college. The Radical Republicans, on the other hand, were urging the enfranchisement of southern Negroes because they felt that the creation of a voting block of loyal blacks would be the most practical way to offset the South's increased representation. The Radicals also believed enfranchisement was needed to protect the civil rights of thousands of uneducated and largely illiterate southern blacks.The Negro suffrage issue was particularly explosive in Indiana where white prejudice was of sufficient strength to make Indiana's Republicans fearful of a white backlash for enfranchising southern blacks. The way in which Indiana's Republican legislators reacted toward their party's dilemma was determined by studying votes in both the General Assembly and in the House of Representatives. Also evaluated were the speeches of the leading Republican and Democratic politicians in the state, newspaper editorials, private manuscripts, and the results of the 1866 nominating conventions and the general election in Indiana.From this study these conclusions emerged:1. President Andrew Johnson was partially to blame for the 1867 Reconstruction Act which imposed Negro suffrage and military occupation on the South because he encouraged a splinter political movement that forced Indiana's Republicans to resort to extreme measures as a means of self-protection.2. Indiana's Democrats must also accept part of the blame for reconstruction measures that after 1867 proved to be vindictive because their virulent Negrophobia helped to prevent any compromise with Republicans where the future of the black man was concerned.3. The study of Republican roll call votes in the House of Representatives (1863-1867) made by David Donald and published as The Politics of Reconstruction, (1965) was incomplete because Donald measured Republican Radicalism largely on the basis of votes in the second session of the 39th Congress rather than on those of the first session when the Negro suffrage issue clearly marked the demarcation line between Radicals and Moderates.4. The 1866 election in Indiana was not so much monopolized by claptrap issues raised by Republicans, as contended by Howard K. Beale in The Critical Year (1930), as by Democratic charges that Republicans were seeking racial equality.5. Indiana's Republicans did not favor Negro suffrage until the South had rejected the Fourteenth Amendment and President Johnson had failed to provide guarantees that the ex-Confederate states would not be restored to the Union with their representation and electoral votes increased.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

Collaborative ethnography is an innovative outgrowth of the postmodern debate and is defined as a "...co-conceived and/or co-written text (with local collaborators) that consider[s] multiple audiences outside the confines of academic discourse, including local constituencies..." (Lassiter n.d.:11). As a research and writing method, collaborative ethnographies seek to address ethical issues of authority, ownership, audience, relevance, reciprocity and representation. In this respect, I document and critically reflect on the collaborative process of the Other Side of Middletown project (OSM)—a collaboratively based ethnographic venture which involved local experts (community advisors), ethnographers and BSU students. I present the OSM project as a case study that adds to the existing data on the approaches to collaborative ethnography and explore how collaborative ethnography is useful to the negotiation of current postmodern debates. Furthermore, I track and document the collaborative process, and then synthesize the ways that collaboration was both effective, and not effective through data collected via structured and semi-structured informal interviews, focus groups and participant observation of the project collaborators.The significance of my thesis rests in documenting the collaborative process to reflect on the political, moral and ethical intricacies of present-day ethnography and to offer criticism, suggestions and/or techniques for better and more clearly articulated collaborative research and epistemology. Morespecifically, the value of this thesis is supported by the critical reflection of how the black community was represented by the OSM project. The OSM project is an interdisciplinary, intercultural, collaborative response to the debate of Western historical thinking. The collaborative approach used in the OSM project is an experimental method from the postmodern reflections and critiques that aim to resolve our ethical trepidations.While the collaborative approach is not relevant to all ethnographic research, the results of my research will be vital to the continuation of ethnography for academic purposes, and more importantly, for communities and consultants. / Department of Anthropology

The purpose of this study was to investigate the self concepts of a group of high school Negro students in the Muncie Community Schools, Muncie, Indiana, in relation to intelligence, reading achievement, and grade point average. Specifically, the objectives were: (1) to obtain the reading achievement scores, intelligence scores, and grade point averages of a randomly selected group of Negro students in the high schools in Muncie, Indiana, (2) to identify the self-concepts of a group of high school Negro males and the self-concepts of a group of high school Negro females randomly selected from the three high schools in Muncie, Indiana, (3) to measure the relationship of the self-concept of females with their obtained intelligence scores, achievement scores, and grade Point averages, (4) to measure the relationship of the self concept of males with the obtained intelligence scores, achievement scores, and grade point averages, and (5) to measure the relationship of the self-concept of Negro students as a total group with their obtained intelligence scores, achievement scores, and grade point averages. The method of investigation used in this study included the following areas: (1) selection of participants, (2) collection of data, (3) scoring procedures, and (4) methods used in analyzing the data.Of the 278 Negro students in grades ten and eleven in the three high schools, a total sampling consisted of ninety-two (92) students, forty-five (45) males and forty-seven (47) females, or one-third of the total population of grades ten and eleven. The random selection was done during the school year, 1970-71. Two self-concept scales, Maryland Self-Concept as a Learner Scale and Brookover Self-Concept of Ability Scale were administered. Intelligence non-verbal scores, reading achievement scores, and grade point averages, as of January 21, 1971 (semester end) were obtained from the cumulative record card. All data were placed on IBM cards. The method of analysis in the study was multiple linear regression. Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions were reached:1. The self-concepts of a group of high school Negro students are identifiable through the use of the two self-concept scales.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

During the nineteenth century, Indiana was home to nearly two dozen agricultural communities comprised of primarily African American residents. These short lived communities represented one of the few contexts in which both African American and non-African American groups lived and worked together within a viable rural community. By analyzing one such settlement, this study presents a basis for comparative functional analysis at the household level through the use of pattern identification of material culture. This study utilized both probate inventory assessments of the period and archeological material within the same classification scheme. Advantages and disadvantages of both data sources are also presented. While the data between the two groups showed little differentiation concerning household material composition, slight differences, particularly at the class level, was evident. These differences may have been based in socio-economic concerns or may have exhibited active consumer choice, reflecting minute aspects of cultural identity. / Department of Anthropology

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Race and politics have played an important part in shaping the history of the United States, from the first arrival of African slaves in the early seventeenth century to the election of an African-American president in 2008. The Great Depression and the New Deal represent a period that was no exception to the influence of race and politics. After Franklin Roosevelt succeeded Herbert Hoover to the American presidency, there was much faith and hope expressed on the editorial pages of the Indianapolis Recorder that African Americans would be treated fairly under the New Deal. Hope began to wane when little political patronage was dispensed, in the form of government jobs, once the Democrats took office in 1933. As the first incarnation of the New Deal progressed, African Americans continued to experience prejudice, segregation, unfair wages, and generally a “raw deal.” But what was more, African-American women and men were not given a fair opportunity to ensure for themselves better political, social, and economic standing in the future. This struggle for full-fledged citizenship was further underscored when Congress failed to pass anti-lynching legislation in 1934 and 1935. The New Dealers, Franklin Roosevelt chief among them, did not seize the opportunity presented by the Great Depression to push for civil rights and social justice for African Americans. Their intent was not necessarily malicious. A more nuanced view of the issues shows that political expedience, and a measure of indifference, led the New Dealers to not treat civil rights as the pressing issue that it was. Roosevelt and the New Dealers believed that they faced the potential for significant resistance to their economic recovery program from Southern Democrats on Capitol Hill if they tried to interfere with race relations in the South. This thesis examines the first years of the Roosevelt Administration, roughly 1933 through 1936. This timeframe was carefully chosen because it was a period when the issues surrounding race and racism were brought to the fore. In the initial period of the New Deal we can see how Roosevelt met and failed to meet the expectations of African Americans. The prevailing view among the African American leadership in 1935, argued Harvard Sitkoff, was that the federal government had “betrayed [African Americans] under the New Deal.” Sitkoff referred to these “denunciations of the New Deal by blacks” as commonplace from 1933 to 1935. But beginning with the Second New Deal in the middle 1930s the criticism turned to applause.