In 1972, town-based farmworkers in the agricultural region of Pinal County, Arizona were surveyed. Random samples of Anglo, Black, Mexican American, and Native American male family heads provided data to study the correlates of their occupational prestige. The work of Harland Padfield and William Martin offered a measure of prestige, along with a functional set of predictors, while conflict-competition theory furnished an alternate set and its corresponding hypotheses. Ethnicity was studied for interaction with the 21 independent variables, and the ranking of the ethnic groups relative to one another was scrutinized. Since analysis of covariance revealed significant interaction by four of the predictors (with the slope for Blacks contrasting most markedly with the Anglo reference category), further analysis, by multiple regression, was made within the ethnic divisions. In the case of Anglos, the significant correlates of prestige were optimism about workers' being able to improve their job situation, and a desire for training, although age, in the negative, controlled the latter. With Blacks, an equation which included age, time spent in the county, residence in Eloy, and membership in associations explained 53% of the variation in prestige. The Mexican American study yielded only a working family pattern as a correlate. Native Americans showed the influence of education on their job prestige (when age was not controlled), and of residential mobility, lack of house ownership, and unwillingness to move. A study of cases from each ethnic group, with insight from experience, suggested several conclusions beyond the data themselves. Caution in measuring attitudes of Native Americans was indicated. There also emerged implications for future policy and research.

農民工權益保障問題是影響中國社會轉型的重大問題。中國各級政府制定了一系列旨在保障農民工權益的法律法規和政策，但這些法律法規和政策在實踐卻未能發揮其應有作用，農民工的權益仍然被持續而普遍地的侵犯，無法獲得真正的保障。本研究針對農民工權益無法獲得真正保障的問題，基於文献省覧和個人經驗的反思而構建出“雙重分離的初步研究概念框架，即政策文本與政策實踐的分離和工人意識和工人實踐的分離。 / 本研究發現，政策文本和政策實踐的分離通過政治問題社會化、社會問題法律化和法律問題權變化三種機制得以實現。首先，國家在解決農民工問題的具體政策方案上採取社會化的策略，將作為政治問題的農民工問題純粹當作社會問題來處理，刻意回避農民工在國家權力體系的中的地位問題。其次，國家通過官方工會的法律服務將作為社會問題的農民工權益保障問題處理為單純的法律問題；通過對勞工NGO的體制擠壓和對工人自主組建工會的打擊防止農民工權益保障問題的社會化和政治化。再次，地方當局在處理作為法律問題的農民工權益保障問題時，違反國家法律法規的規定，在不同情況下採取不同的處理方式，執行不同的標準，損害農民工的法定權益。工人意識與工人實踐的分離通過意識犬儒化和權益商品化得以實現。一方面，農民工表現出徹底不相信、認命不爭、知曉而不行動等帶有犬儒主義色彩的群體意識；另一方面，農民工將政策文本規定的權益視為一種可以“打折的商品，而非固有的不可侵犯的權益，並通常在議價過程中作出讓步。 / 本研究基於研究發現提煉出一組分析國家在勞資關係中的角色的概念，即次標準、地方專制資本主義和安撫型國家，它們構成了從微觀到宏觀的較為系統的分析當代中國國家與工人關係的概念體系，為後續研究奠定了基礎。 / The protection of the rights and interests of migrant workers is the major issue that affects China in the process of social transformation. The Chinese governments at all levels have promulgated a series of laws, regulations and policies, aiming to protect the migrant workers. But these laws, rules, and policies in practice have failed to perform their due role and function. The migrant workers’ rights and interests are still constantly unable to get real protection. This study examined the problem of the inability of migrant workers in gaining real protection of their rights and interests. Based on the literature review and the reflection of personal experience, a provisional conceptual framework “Double Disjuncture was formulated for the study, which refers to the disjuncture between policy text and policy practice and the disjuncture between worker’s consciousness and worker’s practice. / This study found that the disjuncture between policy text and policy practice is realized through three mechanisms: socialization of political issues, legalization of social issues, and contingency of legal issues. Firstly, the state took the strategy of socialization by using specific policies and programs to deal with the problems of migrant workers. The problem of migrant workers as a political matter was treated purely as a social problem, and deliberately avoided the status of migrant workers within the state power system. Secondly, through the legal service of the official labour unions, the state has made the problem of the rights and interest of migrant workers as purely a legal issue, and prohibits the formation of independent trade unions and the development of labor NGOs in order to prevent politicization and socialization of the problem of the protection of rights and interests of migrant workers through institutional extrusion. Thirdly, the local authorities violated the provisions of national laws and regulations in dealing with the problems of rights and interests of migrant workers. They took different approaches and various standards in different situations, which greatly prejudice the statutory rights and interests of migrant workers. / The disjuncture between worker’s consciousness and worker’s practice was made real by the workers’ consciousness of cynicism and the commercialization of rights and interests. On the one hand, migrant workers expressed distrust, acceptance of fate, and knowing without action which embrace the communal sense with the color of cynicism. On the other hand, migrant workers treated the rights and interests specified in the policy text as discountable commodities rather than inviolable rights and interests, and often made concessions in the bargaining process. / Based on the research findings, this study identified and constructed a set of concepts, such as sub-standard, local despotic capitalism, and propitiatory state. They constitute a systematic framework for understanding the relationships between the state and the workers in contemporary China from the micro to macro perspective, and lay the foundation for further researches. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 鄭廣懷. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 224-243). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zheng Guanghuai. / Chapter 第一部分 --- 研究問題與研究設計 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 問題的提出 --- p.2 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧與概念框架 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法 --- p.44 / Chapter 第二部分 --- 研究發現 --- p.64 / Chapter 第四章 --- 政策文本與政策實踐分離的實現機制 --- p.65 / Chapter 第五章 --- 工人意識與工人實踐分離的實現機制 --- p.119 / Chapter 第六章 --- 政治修辭、霸權建構與權益剝奪 --- p.136 / Chapter 第七章 --- 中介力量：勞工NGO存在的可能與作用 --- p.161 / Chapter 第三部分 --- 討論和總結 --- p.175 / Chapter 第八章 --- 討論 --- p.176 / Chapter 第九章 --- 研究應用 --- p.206 / Chapter 第十章 --- 總結 --- p.215 / 附錄 --- p.216 / 參考文獻 --- p.224

This dissertation traces the state-directed agricultural migration of 200,000 Japanese farmers to rural Brazil in the 1920s and 30s. From its origins in late nineteenth century Japanese interpretations of German economic and colonial theory to its end in the mid-1930s under the populist Estado Novo government of Brazilian dictator Getúlio Vargas, my research connects this migration scheme to nation-state and empire-building projects in Japan and Brazil. Using Japanese, Portuguese, and English-language sources from archives in Japan, Brazil, and the United States, it argues that this state-directed migration scheme was an attempt by Japanese and Brazilian intellectuals and policymakers to use international migration to solve the crises of rural labor that stemmed from rapid industrialization and economic development. Japanese policymakers believed that their surplus agricultural labor could be settled in isolated Brazilian nucleos, where daily life for settlers was still dominated by Japanese cultural and government institutions. Japanese emigrants in Brazil saw themselves as imperial subjects performing service for a Japanese settler colonial project, and Japanese state institutions continued to define their everyday lives. Japanese government-produced guidebooks and migrants’ own writings in Brazil’s Japanese-language newspapers reveal how the unique circumstances of state-directed migration blurred the distinctions between migrants and colonists. In Brazil, the Japanese found themselves trapped between two competing visions of the Brazilian nation. They owed their existence there to the loose federalism of the Old Republic (1889-1930) that allowed individual Brazilian states to set their own immigration policies. Under the terms of the 1891 Brazilian Constitution, wealthy Southern states, like São Paulo, could offer land concessions to foreign immigration companies without federal oversight, meaning they were free to enact racial preferences for immigrant labor at the expense of the country’s poorer, racially-mixed citizens in the Northeast. However, when the Old Republic fell in the 1930 Brazilian Revolution, the Japanese community quickly became a racialized symbol of the old political order’s regional political and economic inequality. Influenced by new fascist governments in Europe and anti-immigrant sentiment that had swept the Western Hemisphere, the Getúlio Vargas-led Provisional Government redefined national identity and redistributed political power. Furthermore, Vargas’s expansion of participatory politics in the early 1930s merged a strain of nativism with his efforts to erase São Paulo’s regional dominance. His government limited the economic rights of non-citizens in 1932 and introduced the first national immigration policy, a strict quota, in 1934. Through an analysis of Brazilian constitutional theory and the debates surrounding the country’s first national immigration policy – which was written directly into the 1934 Brazilian Constitution – my research demonstrates how regional competition motivated and racialized Brazilian immigration policy at the expense of the country’s Japanese community. As neither Europeans nor Brazilians, the Japanese found themselves victims to more powerful political and racial ideologies in 1930s Brazil. In response to nativist efforts to close Japanese language schools in 1935 and 1936, the Japanese government attempted unsuccessfully to intervene on the community’s behalf. When news of the restrictions on Japanese Brazilian life reached Japan, the Japanese government used it to further justify its withdrawal from the international community and ramp up its colonial efforts in Manchuria. By 1937, when the Japanese settlement experiment came to an end, both the Japanese government and the Japanese in Brazil had already shifted their gaze to Manchuria as the preferred destination for surplus Japanese farmers, and Japanese government officials applied many of the same organizational techniques to facilitate agricultural emigration to Japan’s East Asian colonies.

Orientador: Neusa Maria Dal Ri / Banca: Henrique Tahan Novaes / Banca: Érika Porceli Alaniz / Resumo: A pesquisa, documental e bibliográfica, apresenta os principais princípios teórico-práticos educacionais do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), dos socialistas utópicos owenistas e dos cartistas britânicos, verificando a forma de operacionalização e realizando um cotejamento desses princípios educativos nas experiências educacionais levadas a cabo por esses Movimentos. Os princípios são: a) elaboração e implementação de um projeto próprio de educação conforme as necessidades e ideologias dos respectivos Movimentos; b) a negação dialética do ensino oficial; c) implementação da gestão democrática nas associações e escolas dos Movimentos; d) ações visando formar os próprios educadores em consonância com a concepção de mundo e de educação dos respectivos Movimentos; e) articulação entre ensino e trabalho produtivo; f) constituição e veiculação de uma concepção de mundo concernente a cada Movimento e à classe trabalhadora. Os resultados apontam que, com as devidas ressalvas e especificidades decorrentes das diferenças entre as ideologias, as visões de mundo, bem como entre os momentos históricos de atuação de cada Movimento, esses princípios são transcendentes e comuns aos Movimentos mencionados. / Abstract: The documentary and bibliographical research, presents the main theoretical and practical educational principles of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), Utopian Socialist Owenists and the British Chartists, checking the form of operation and conducting to a confrontation of these educational principles in educational experiments carried out by these Movements. The principles are: a) design and implementation of a project of education according to the needs and ideologies of their Movements; b) the dialectical negation of the official education; c) implementation of democratic management in associations and schools of the Movements; d) actions aiming to the educators themselves in line with the conception of world education of their own Movements ; e) articulation between education and productive work; f) constitution and spread of a conception of the world regarding each Movement and the working class. The results show that, with appropriate caveats and specificities arising from differences between the ideologies, the worldviews, and between the historic moments of actuation of each Movement, these principles are common and transcendent to the Movements mentioned. / Mestre

Thesis (M.A.)--Taiwan sheng li zhong xing da xue si li Zhongge di zheng yan jiu suo. / Cover title. Mimeo, copy. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 358-375).

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This inquiry into the nature of political powerlessness begins with a definition which posits that Q is politically powerless to the extent that it is unable to promote and defend its interests within authoritative processes of value allocation. Political powerlessness is said to derive from Q's lack of relevant power resources; and from T's exploitation of this deficiency through its exercise of power over Q. Contrary to pluralist assumptions, it is argued that T may exercise political power over Q both within and beyond formal arenas of value allocation: the determining factor is not where political power is exercised, but rather that it prevents Q from satisfying its interests within these authoritative arenas. The above hypotheses are tested for their validity and utility by being applied to the experiences of the post-war agricultural work force in England. In particular, the study asks whether farmworkers' workplace powerlessness, as identified by Howard Newby in 'The Deferential Worker' (Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1979), has been compensated for by their Union's promotion and defence of agricultural workers' occupational interests at the formal, political level. Part One provides a theoretical, historical and descriptive setting for the empirical study. Part Two determines the extent to which the efforts of the Union and of its external political allies to influence the relevant value allocating institutions have resulted in the successful promotion and defence of farmworkers' objective interests. These interests are defined as: earning high wages (Chapter Four); living in housing which is independent from employment (Chapter Five); and ensuring a reasonable standard of occupational health and safety (Chapter Six). The study shows that the farmworkers' Union has been largely unable to compensate for its members' industrial weakness by taking political action. The Union's political powerlessness is attributed chiefly to its lack of relevant power resources; and to its resulting vulnerability to power exercises both within and beyond the formal political arena, all of which have weakened the Union within that arena. It is suggested finally that the Union's recent merger with the Transport and General Workers' Union provides farmworkers with access to new power resources which may allow for greater success in the future promotion of farmworkers' occupational interests.

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