Thesis (Ph. L.)--Catholic University of America, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 70).

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Political Science, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, August, 2005. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 140-141)

Thesis (M.A. (Political and International Studies))--Rhodes University, 2006. / A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Political Studies).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Columbia University, 1997. / Adviser: Douglas A. Chalmers. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Dallas, 2007. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-135)

The purpose of this study is to examine how the concept of democracy and education for democracy are formulated in school policy documents related to the four teacher’s description of their work with democracy in the civic subject. The study is based on the following questions:  What type of democracy is presented in the school curriculum as well as other school policy documents? How do the participant teachers understand democracy? How do the participant teachers describe and motivate their work with democracy? This study is made through a qualitative method based on a contextual analysis and interviews with four teachers working in grade 1-3. The study is based on two theoretical extensions and these are electoral-, participate-, deliberate democracy and the traditional- , liberal progressive-, social critical orientated views. Common to the four school policy documents that have been analysed, the most prominent conceptions of and approaches to democracy is participatory and deliberative democratic perspectives. The results show that the school documents and the teacher’s description of democracy rarely mention electoral democracy. However, it can be seen in the school policy documents that there is a notion that knowledge about democracy.  That is, knowledge of political ideologies and the selection process, is required to enable participatory and deliberative democracy.  Teachers understanding of democracy show mainly participatory democracy perspective. However, it has come to shown from the interviews that the teacher’s description of their work with democracy in the civic subject mainly shows deliberative perspectives. One conclusion of this study is that the documents and the teachers' descriptions of democracy and education for democracy are quite similar.

Election fraud is a serious problem in a number of modern democracies. While election observers can combat this problem to some extent, election forensics aims to provide a low-cost supplement. Forensic tools uncover irregular patterns in aggregate election data which are consistent with fraud. This dissertation improves upon existing tools and establishes methods of controlling for other factors which could cause irregular patterns. These tools are utilized in three cases studies in an effort to better understand the nature of election fraud.

E.G. West raises, but does not adequately address, philosophical issues concerning the justification for state intervention in education. West's market model is outlined, and likely objections - based on recent arguments against 'internal markets' in education - are explored. Chapter 1 outlines West's role for the state in inspecting a 'minimum adequate education for all'. Chapter 2 examines whether this could overcome the objection that markets won't satisfy equality of opportunity. Williams', Rawls' and Dworkin's arguments on equality are found compatible with West's model. The curriculum for West's model is then investigated: Chapter 3 considers 'education for democracy', and whether compulsion is needed to ensure the desired qualities for democratic participation emerge, or whether they could emerge freely in civil society. A reductio ad absurdum argument brings out the illiberal consequence of a compulsory curriculum, of a 'fitness test' for democratic participation. Chapter 4 explores 'education for autonomy'. John White's argument for a compulsory curriculum for autonomy could undermine other autonomy-promoting institutions in civil society, it is suggested. White's argument depends upon Joseph Raz's argument for state promotion of autonomy, which is explored, raising the 'epistemic argument' for markets. John Gray's argument to this effect is extended, to suggest that there will be difficulties with any 'fleshing out' of West's curriculum if it is to be promoted by the state. One way around this, democratic control of the curriculum, is explored in chapter 5. Difficulties with John White's approach arise because of logical constraints on improving democracy, raised by consideration of social choice theory (Arrow's theorem and its corollaries) and public choice theory (logrolling). Chapter 6 considers the objection to markets that education is a 'public good', using the arguments of Gerald Grace and Ruth Jonathan. These are put in the context of the game. theory literature of De Jasay, Taylor, and Axelrod. The 'public goods dilemma' is explored, to arrive at less pessimistic conclusions about markets in education than the critics of markets we consider. Finally, chapter 7 briefly relates the issues to the contemporary discussion about markets, including internal markets and vouchers, in education.

abstract: This paper examines the strength of a recent argument made against democracy. The notion of epistocracy, a system of government where the wise or the knowers rule, has garnered some attention of late. These theories of epistocracy have traditionally struggled with questions of political legitimacy and authority. In Against Democracy, Jason Brennan articulates an alternative theory for epistocracy which may prove more promising. Brennan argues instead that democracy faces objections of political legitimacy which epistocracy avoids because democracy either harms or violates rights as a result of granting political power to the incompetent. This negative argument against democracy hopes to make epistocracy the preferable option in comparison. I will argue, however, that if we take this comparative approach then we ought to prefer democracy---or, rather, democratic reform---over epistocracy as the best solution in addressing the concerns which Brennan raises. It is not enough to merely point to flaws in democracy. For this argument to be successful, it must also be shown that epistocracy avoids those flaws at an acceptable cost. I claim that, upon examination, epistocratic theories fail to make this case. Rather, it is evident from this examination that there are various institutional mechanisms available with which democracy may manage the risks and harms which might arise from imbuing the incompetent with political power. This in turn suggests ways by which we might reform democracy to achieve similar results hoped for by epistocrats without the effort, risk, and cost of tearing down and rebuilding our fundamental political institutions. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Philosophy 2018