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In the United States, the past twenty years has witnessed a growing academic interest in understanding ‘globalization,’ i.e., a series of interconnected social, cultural, and political processes occurring under integrated economies. Management scholars have tried to understand globalization in terms of its potential consequences for companies conducting business in various countries and regions. However, globalization involves more than this, for as new relationships between people and places occur, new ideas about who they/us are in those relationships also emerge. How can international management scholars thus understand these complex relationships occurring under globalization? How can they theorize and study such relationships? Although there are multiple ways to address these questions, the approach to globalization within U.S.-based international business and management research has been insufficient. First, meta-theoretical assumptions supporting U.S.-based management theories and practices have seldom been questioned in regards to their deployment in non-Western contexts. Second, the emphasis of this research on “cultural differences” implies “separation” and may conceal social and cultural formations established through global relationships. Thus, alternative approaches to understanding business practices in the context of globalization are needed. To this effect, I first develop the notion of identity formation , based on poststructuralist and postcolonial theories, as a conceptual framework, in contrast with the modernist views of identity informing the extant international management literature. I suggest this notion as an appropriate focus of analysis for understanding contemporary relationships between people in the world. To demonstrate these arguments, I conduct fieldwork focused on the international entrepreneur, specifically the Turkish entrepreneur. Relying on an extended case study design and a multi-method approach, I examine how Turkish entrepreneurs in high-technology sectors in the U.S. and in Turkey engage in identity formation processes. The identity formation framework allows me to demonstrate how globalization processes occur relationally through embedded discourses of hybridity, gender, subalternity, and nation articulated by international entrepreneurs. I further address how postcolonial lenses allow for conceptualizing encounters between West and non-West occurring under globalization as a series of interdependent events at the locus of identity formation. As such, my dissertation offers a theoretically distinct conceptualization for globalization research in international management.

The Southern African Development Community sees high levels of migration. Many children within these groups are undocumented and have no means to prove their identities. This greatly increases their risks of statelessness, which opens the way to abuse, exploitation, trafficking, and the inability to claim their human rights. Birth registration represents one of the main protections undocumented children have in avoiding statelessness, as this reduces their chances of abuse, as well as provides them with a better chance of accessing nationality. Providing nationality is also important in reducing statelessness, as birth registration is not enough on its own. Therefore, whether birth registration and nationality are available for undocumented migrants in SADC member states is examined within both the international and regional legal contexts. International human rights treaties go a long way in providing rights to birth registration and nationality, but the scope of these rights is not infinite. International law takes a strong stance on birth registration, as it is provided in many of the main treaties, as well as the fact that it is linked to the best interests of the child principle. The right to nationality on the other hand is generally understood to have restrictive application in that migrants do not have the right to the nationality of the host state, a state must just ensure that a child has the right to “a” nationality. This reduces the ambit of protection. In turning to the SADC, the region in general was found to have a number of barriers to birth registration and nationality. For birth registration, gender discriminatory laws, centralised organisational structures, the COVID-19 lockdown, and penalties for late registration were counted as among the leading barriers to registration. This was similarly the case for South Africa and Zambia which were two key country profiles analysed. For nationality, there were many gaps in protection, such as uneven protection for foundlings and children who would otherwise be stateless, as well as onerous barriers to naturalisation. Given these findings, this dissertation concluded that SADC members are not adequately giving effect to their international obligations

Initial advances into Iranian territory were repulsed and by 1982 Iraq had withdrawn to previously recognised international boundaries. The war on land lapsed into statement with neither side being capable of launching a sufficiently strong offensive to terminate hostilities. Partly in retaliation for Iran's successful blockade of Iraqi shipping and partly in an attempt to cripple Iranian oil exports and undermine the enemy war effort, Iraq expanded the conflict onto the waters of the Persian Gulf. Exclusion zones were declared in the northern Gulf, and shipping calling at the Iranian oil terminal at Kharg Island singled out for unannounced missile attacks. Iraq has hit over 170 tankers in the Gulf war. Iran has made fewer attacks but most of these have occurred outside both the Iranian and Iraqi war zones. Neutral shipping calling at neutral Gulf ports are considered lawful targets for destruction. Recently Kuwaiti-bound' vessels have been hit. Neutral merchant shipping is being stopped and searched at the entrance to the Gulf. The United States, having committed itself to upholding the freedom of neutral navigation in the region, has transferred Kuwaiti tankers to US registration and is escorting the re-flagged vessels to protect them from Iranian interference and attack. The United Nations Security Council has passed Resolutions calling for an end to the hostilities and has denounced attacks on neutral shipping in international waters. No Chapter Vll procedures for collective security enforcement under the Charter have been invoked 6. and not one of the Resolutions is binding.

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The Nuremberg Judgment on the leaders of Nazi Germany proclaimed ‘crimes against peace’ – the planning and waging of aggressive wars – to be ‘the supreme international crime’.  This charge was premised on two innovative ideas: that aggressive war was a crime, and that individuals could be held responsible for it. Although heralded as an historic milestone at the time, it turned out to be a transient legal anomaly.  At the Nuremberg Tribunal, the number of acquittals, coupled with the relative leniency of the sentences, indicated the judges’ unease about convicting on the basis of ‘crimes against peace’.  At the Tokyo Tribunal, some judges questioned the validity of the charge and filed dissents.  Legal observers, meanwhile, were outspoken in their criticisms, and argued that it was an ex post facto enactment, selectively applied. Aside from retroactivity and selectivity, the main difficulty arose from the internal contradictions within the charge itself, which rendered it unsustainable as a component of international law.  On jurisdiction, it enhanced the sovereignty of nations by protecting them against aggression, while simultaneously undermining sovereignty by subjecting leaders to international law.  On enforcement, while judicialising punishment after the event, it simultaneously de-legitimised both aggression and attempts to prevent it.  These weaknesses were confirmed by the failure of ‘crimes against peace’ to become part of customary international law. If the Rome Statute is amended to include ‘crime of aggression’ within the International Criminal Court’s operative remit, these latter problems are likely to occur.

This paper examines the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict as a modern case study concerning the shortcomings of international law. It examines the history between the two countries and how the conflict emerged despite strong social and cultural ties between the two. After a 30-year long war where Eritrea gained its independence, a brief period of peace was overcome by war and tension. A United Nations (UN) commission tasked with distributing the disputed lands to its rightful owner ruled that the lands belonged to Eritrea and the UN Security Council (UNSC) agreed to enforce this ruling. Ethiopia re-occupied it and the UNSC has yet to act. This essay looks at a range of international legal theories and tries to explain this case using these concepts. These include realism, neo-realism, liberalism, constructivism, and critical legal studies. This paper concludes neo-realism and critical legal studies accurately depict the events. This paper looks at the shared characteristics between these two theories and what they tell us about the status of international law. These findings indicate imbalanced power structures and a world where the powerful can impose their will on the weak with little ramifications.

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