While studying medicine, Horney became interested in psychoanalysis and took her first training analysis with Karl Abraham in 1911. Abraham's descriptions of the oral, anal, and phallic character types, along with his account of the neurotic "slogans" unique to each, was to affect Horney's conceptualization of various "mottos," which she described as common to certain neurotic characters develooed in her later work. Her close kinship with Melanie Klein, her coanalysand with Abraham, fostered in Horney an appreciation for what Klein saw as the deep importance of early object relations in the genesis of neurosis. Horney's concepts of "basic anxiety" and her descriptions of the origins and implications of repressed hostility are connected to this exposure to Kleinian dynamics. Throughout the years between 1915-1934, Horney practiced and published from a point of view grounded in orthodox Freudian principles. During these years, Horney was a member of the Berlin Psychoanalytic Society and a founding analyst in the Berlin Polyclinic, the first low cost clinic for psychoanalysis, as well as a center for psychoanalytic education and training analysis. This was a great time in the evolution of psychoanalytic thought and many prime movers in the field practiced in Berlin. These included: Franz Alexander, the first student at the Institute, Sandor Rado, Ernst Simmel , Wilhelm Reich, and Eric 1 2 Fromm. It may be, in fact, that through her contacts with Reich and Fromm, two analysts with Marxist leanings, an appreciation for sociocultural dynamics in personality functioning was stimulated in Horney's thinking.

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In view of mankind's never-ending search for emotional stability, contentment and peace of mind, it is surprising that so little research has been undertaken in the investigation of the practice of meditation which - according to the claims of its practitioners, ancient and modern - can bring about just these effects- Meditation can be defined as a narrowing of the field of attention in a manner, and for a time determined by the will. The mind is made one-pointed, does not waver, does not scatter itself, and it becomes steady like the flame of a lamp in the absence of wind. (Conze, 1969, p. 19) The object of meditation may be a physical object, a mental image, a phrase or an idea, the choice within these categories being determined by the supposed effect of the object upon the consciousness of the meditator.

Researchers are divided with regard to how consumers' experience multiplicity in their self-concepts. One group argues that consumers need a unifying meta-narrative (e.g. Ahuvia 2005), other theorists believe fragmentation is normal (e.g., Firat and Venkatesh 1995). While multiple selves is an important area of self concept research, little empirical work exists to date as to the meaning from the consumer's perspective. Much of the existing consumer research on multiple selves is context-specific (e.g. Aaker 1999) and is not conducive to understanding how multiple selves are experienced by consumers and the meanings they give to consumptions. This dissertation addresses the gaps in self-concept literature by answering the specific questions: (1) What is the meaning of multiple selves as experienced by consumers in their every day lives? (2) Do the consumptions vary in their meaning across the multiple selves? (3) How do multiple selves relate with each other vis-à-vis their consumptions? (4) How do selves negotiate negative consumptions? (5) Do brands vary in their meaning across selves? This dissertation draws from dialogical self theory the notion of self as a decentralized, polyphonic narrative that can occupy multiple I positions (Hermans and Kempen 1993; Hermans, Kempen, and Loon 1992; Raggatt 2002). The self is viewed as a repertoire of narrative voices, wherein each voice has a unique web of affective attachments to people, historic events, beliefs, and consumptions. This dissertation's methodology, grounded in the interpretive paradigm, employed a multi-method approach consisting of consumer narratives, multivariate analysis, and metaphor analysis coupled with in-depth interviews. The findings inform the current debate by revealing a normal state of multiplicity in consumers' self concept except when the selves encounter ambivalence. By examining negative consumptions from the lens of different voices in the informants, the findings extend current literature on ambivalence. An important contribution of this dissertation is the findings on negative selves, which have a significant influence on consumption choices and evaluation of consumption experiences. This dissertation also contributes to research on the relationship between emotions and evaluation of consumption experiences by understanding the meaning of positive and negative consumptions from the perspective of different selves.

The stability and change of adult personality is one of the most enduring questions in psychology. This study utilized longitudinal data on three cohorts of men and women spanning 34 years to examine Erikson's (1963) eight-stage theory of personality using the Inventory of Psychosocial Development (IPD), an 80-item Likert-type self-report measure. Cohort 1 (N = 106) was first tested in 1966 at age 20 and has been re-tested in 1977, 1988, and 2000 at the ages of 31, 42, and 54, respectively. Cohort 2 (N = 73) was first tested in 1977 at age 20 and has been re-tested in 1988 and 2000 at the ages of 31 and 42, respectively. Cohort 3 ( N = 55) was first tested in 1988 at age 20 and has been re-tested in 2000 at age 31. Joining a substantial body of trait personality research, mean-level and rank-order stability estimates suggest personality goes through significant age-related changes in the decade of the 20s, fewer changes in the decade of 30s, and virtually no change in the decade of the 40s, providing convincing evidence that personality stabilizes in middle adulthood. It is concluded that researchers should transcend the historically polarized stability versus change debate to examine the stability and change of adult personality.

The purpose of this study was to test the hypothesis that survivors of cancer and especially those who survived beyond medical expectations are more likely to have had a cancer-prone personality before diagnosis that changed in a positive direction some time after diagnosis than heart disease survivors. Three groups of survivors: (1) heart-disease survivors (N = 31), (2) cancer survivors with non-exceptional recoveries (N = 35), and (3) cancer survivors who survived despite less than a 25% expectancy that they would (N = 19) were compared. As hypothesized, both cancer groups exhibited significantly more cancer-prone characteristics before diagnosis than the heart disease group. They converged to a similar point at the present time. There was a tendency for the exceptional survivor group to exhibit more of the cancer-prone characteristics before diagnosis than the other cancer group. When a subsample of exceptional survivors who survived despite a less than 1% expectancy of survival was examined, they exhibited a significantly greater change in personality from before diagnosis to the present time than the remaining cancer groups and the heart disease group. Similar patterns were found on the two subscales of Depression and Anger, suggesting their importance in the Cancer-prone Personality. Demographics and gender were partialled out of the analyses. A path analysis implicating parental relationships in predicting cancer-prone personality and cancer-prone personality in predicting cancer was discussed.

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