<p> The perception of animacy - judging an object as appearing alive - is a fundamental social perception dating back to Piaget. The present research investigates motion to examine how and when people will perceive an ambiguous moving object as appearing alive.</p> <p> Chapter 1 uses a number of methods to illustrate that people will judge a relatively faster-moving object as appearing alive more often than an identical but relatively slower-moving object. Chapter 2 demonstrates that people are more likely to perceive an object moving at a constant speed if it appears to move relatively faster than a similar object. Further, people will make this judgement even if the differences in speed are not real, but merely illusory.</p> <p> Chapter 3 describes a specific case where the association of greater speed and animacy is not perceptually maintained. By showing people objects that appear to fall or rise - thereby obeying or violating gravity - it is shown that our perceptions of animacy are not fixed, but rather are functionally adapted to at least one regular and predictable feature of the visual environment; namely gravity. This suggests that some aspects of our perceptions of animacy have been shaped over evolutionary time.</p> <p> The following chapter examines whether our perceptions of animacy are structured - like our perceptions of colours - categorically, such that there is an identifiable boundary between the velocities that elicit a perception of animacy and the velocities that do not. Results suggest that people do not perceive animacy categorically</p> <p> The final empirical chapter illustrates that experience over the lifespan also influences our perceptions of animacy and of speed. Monolingual readers of a language read from left-to-right (viz., English) were biased to judge an object moving in that direction as appearing faster and more alive than an object moving at the same speed in the opposite direction. However, bilingual readers of both English and a language read from right-to-left did not exhibit this bias.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Previous research on animate motion perception indicates that animacy detection may be an evolutionarily developed mechanism of the visual system, responsible for adaptive alerting to other organisms in the environment. The present study further examined previously described attention capture by animate motion, and explored whether capture may be modulated by type of animacy (e.g., human motion vs. other animacy). The link between subjective animacy experience and perceptual processing was also examined. Results suggested that attention capture by animacy extends to situations in which animate motion is self-relevant. Animate motion entering the observer’s visual field captured attention relative to motion leaving out of the visual field. Subjective ratings of animacy experience also reliably predict reaction time in perceptual/attention tasks. Implications for theories of social cognition and higher order processing of agency are discussed.

Previous research on animate motion perception indicates that animacy detection may be an evolutionarily developed mechanism of the visual system, responsible for adaptive alerting to other organisms in the environment. The present study further examined previously described attention capture by animate motion, and explored whether capture may be modulated by type of animacy (e.g., human motion vs. other animacy). The link between subjective animacy experience and perceptual processing was also examined. Results suggested that attention capture by animacy extends to situations in which animate motion is self-relevant. Animate motion entering the observer’s visual field captured attention relative to motion leaving out of the visual field. Subjective ratings of animacy experience also reliably predict reaction time in perceptual/attention tasks. Implications for theories of social cognition and higher order processing of agency are discussed.

This thesis aims to find out how animacy affects sentence structure choice in Turkish learners of L2 English. The study compares three different L2 English proficiency levels with each other as well to L1 English and L1 Turkish. In this way the effect of English, a rigid word order language, and Turkish, a free word order language on sentence structure choice have been compared. A picture description task was applied on 94 participants. The pictures depicted a transitive action taking place between an inanimate agent and an animate patient (animate condition) or between an inanimate agent and an inanimate patient. The subjects were given handouts with the pictures and were asked to write down what is happening in each picture. There were 60 Turkish learners of L2 English and 14 English participants in the study. Turkish learners of English belonged to level-1 (16 students), level-2 (25 students) and level-3 (19 students). In addition, 20 Turkish speakers were consulted for their knowledge of Turkish. It was hypothesized that in L2 English, animate entities would be accessed first and this will directly affect sentence structure choice through grammatical subject assignment or through word order. Thus, it was expected that when the learners are shown a picture depicting a transitive action taking place between an animate patinet and an inanimate agent, they would tend to use the passive in English, which assigns both a sentence-initial position and a subjecthood role to the animate entity. L2 proficiency level and native language were expected to play a role in determining the role of animacy on sentence structure choice. Chi-square analysis and odds ratio calculations were made. The results showed that animacy of the patinet affected sentence structure choice in L2 English by triggering the passivce usage in only level-3 (the most advanced group). Animacy of the patient affected native speakers of English in the same way, i.e. native English speakers tended to use the passive voice in the animate condition. No such effect was found in lower level learners of L2 English (i.e. level-1 and level-2) and Turkish native speakers. It was found that in the animate condition, Turkish native speakers tended to use the OSV word order more frequently than they did in the inanimate condition. This result suggested that in Turkish, animacy of the patient triggers the use of the OSV (Object, Subject, Verb) order rather than the passive voice. In short, the research results suggested that L2 proficency level and native language could play a role in determining how animacy affects sentence structure choice in L2.

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An introductory problem set for use as a homework on Blackfoot (Algonquian). Gender (animate/inanimate) and determiner agreement are included. Note that the doc file uses the old SIL Doulos IPA93 font. Set includes doc, pdf and answer key. / This collection consists of learning objects developed for use in courses offered by the Department of Linguistics. Learning objects include lectures, presentations, quizzes, activities, and more. Access to this collection is restricted to authorized faculty and instructors. For access to this collection, please contact Dr. Amy Fountain, Department of Linguistics, avf@email.arizona.edu.

Compounding, constructing new words out of previously known words by means of simple concatenation mostly, can be counted as one of the major word production mechanisms in the majority of languages. Their importance in the history of human languages warrants a detailed study with respect to the language faculty and related cognitive aspects. In the last decade, compound production as well as comprehension have become highly debated and investigated areas of research. Morphological priming is one frequently employed paradigm for the investigation of compounding. Whether morphologically complex words undergo a decomposition-composition process, respectively, during comprehension and production or whether they are all listed in full form in the lexicon is one key question hitherto addressed in several studies related to English, German, Dutch and Chinese nominal compound words. The present study is concerned with compound production in Turkish. Various types of Turkish compounds were investigated ((i) bare JCs (

Differential Object Marking (henceforth, DOM) in Spanish involves the use of the object marker a to overtly mark certain direct objects (Juan conoce a la mamá de Pedro.). The literature on this phenomenon is extensive. Previous typological/functionalist work (e.g. Aissen 2003, Croft 2003, von Heusinger and Kaiser 2007) has characterized the likelihood of DOM in terms of properties of the direct object including animacy, definiteness and specificity. According to recent grammatical variationist work on Mexican Spanish (Lizarraga Navarro and Mora-Bustos 2010), these two factors are the most highly correlated with overt DOM in Spanish. While some empirical studies corroborate portions of these findings (e.g. von Heusinger 2008), none have provided a complete quantified analysis of the entire set of features as discussed in terms of the Referentiality Scale (von Heusinger 2008) including specificity and non-argumentals for Modern European Spanish. This empirically-based corpus study investigates the distribution of DOM in the 20th and 21st Century European Spanish focusing on the features comprising the scales of animacy and referentiality. The results obtained in this study provide evidence that the referential features like specificity and definiteness are indeed significant factors that condition DOM along with verb type. This study also sheds light on the validity of the claim made in diachronic work for the systematic spread of DOM (e.g. Melis 1995, Laca 2006, von Heusinger and Kaiser 2010). / text

Number is a grammatical category found in nearly every language around the world (Corbett, 2000). The syntactic expression of number is referred to as grammatical number. In English and French, two number categories are in use: singular and plural. Nouns that are written more frequently in their singular form are called singular-dominant, while those that are written more frequently in their plural form are called plural-dominant. Several lexical decision and picture naming studies have found that grammatical number and noun dominance interact, resulting in a surface frequency effect for singular-dominant nouns only. Singular-dominant nouns are recognized/named significantly faster in their singular form than in their plural form, while plural-dominant nouns are recognized/named equally fast in both forms (e.g., Baayen, Burani, & Schreuder, 1997; Biedermann, Beyersmann, Mason, & Nickels, 2013; Domínguez, Cuetos, & Segui, 1999; New, Brysbaert, Segui, Ferrand, & Rastle, 2004; Reifegerste, Meyer, & Zwitserlood, 2017). The objective of this thesis is to extend our understanding of the singular-dominant noun surface frequency effect in English and French by adopting three procedures. First, advanced linear mixed modelling techniques were used to improve statistical power and accuracy. Second, the noun dominance ratio technique (Reifegerste et al., 2017) was applied to investigate whether the surface frequency effect remains significant when noun dominance was treated as a continuous variable. Third, a determiner-noun number agreement task was created to determine whether the surface frequency effect could be reproduced in a novel task. Three studies were conducted. In Study 1, two lexical decision tasks (LDTs) were conducted. Results revealed that in both English and French, singular nouns were recognized faster than plural nouns while the noun dominance effect was non-significant. The interaction between grammatical number and noun dominance was significant in French and marginally so in English. The interaction pattern was identical in both languages, singular-dominant nouns demonstrated a surface frequency effect while plural nouns did not. In Study 2, three determiner-noun number agreement tasks (NATs) were conducted. Results revealed that in both English and French, plural nouns were recognized faster than singular nouns. No other effects were significant. Incorporating irregular singular nouns (e.g., bonus) and plural nouns (e.g., mice) as foils produced the same results. In Study 3, two LDTs and one NAT were conducted. Lexical decision results revealed that in both English and French, singular nouns were recognized faster than plural nouns. However, the effects of noun collectivity and animacy were significant in English only; non-collective nouns were recognized faster than collective nouns while inanimate nouns were recognized faster than animate nouns. Number agreement results revealed that in English, plural nouns were recognized faster than singular nouns; no other effects reached significance. Taken together, my studies confirm that a strong surface frequency effect exists during visual word recognition for singular-dominant nouns. However, the surface frequency effect does not extend to the formation determiner-noun number agreement decisions, which were influenced nearly exclusively by grammatical number.

Esta dissertação investiga o comportamento linguístico de crianças brasileiras entre 4;0 e 6;11 anos de idade, acerca da produção de orações relativas de objeto direto e de objeto preposicionado. Segundo Friedmann, Belletti e Rizzi (2009), essa dificuldade existe devido ao traço [+NP] presente no sujeito da relativa e no núcleo relativizado. Para os autores, a gramática infantil computa o sujeito da relativa como um elemento interveniente que impede a relativização do objeto, resultando em uma violação semelhante à Minimalidade Relativizada (Rizzi, 1990). Por outro lado, estudos experimentais como o de Gennari e Macdonald (2008) indicam que essa dificuldade está ausente em relativas de objeto contendo um sujeito animado e um núcleo relativizado inanimado. Partindo desses estudos, desenvolvemos uma tarefa de produção eliciada com pares de figuras. Em nossos materiais, controlamos o traço de animacidade do sujeito da relativa e do núcleo relativizado, de modo a observar quais configurações de animacidade resultam em uma maior dificuldade para as relativas de objeto. Nossos resultados sugerem que as relativas de objeto direto mais difíceis contêm um sujeito inanimado. Isto ocorre uma vez que esta posição sintática é comumente preenchida por um argumento animado (Becker, 2014). O frequente uso de estratégias de esquiva nessas relativas indica que animacidade possui um papel determinante para facilitar ou dificultar a produção de relativas de objeto direto. No que diz respeito às relativas de objeto preposicionado, nossos resultados indicam que todas as configurações do traço de animacidade foram difíceis para nossos sujeitos de pesquisa, não sendo determinante a configuração de animacidade nessas relativas. Sugerimos que um conjunto de fatores pode estar envolvido para a dificuldade observada nessas construções: a ausência de relativas com pied-piping preposicional na fala dos adultos; a maior simplicidade derivacional em relativas preposicionadas com um resumptivo nulo ou pronunciado (Roeper (2003); Lessa de Oliveira (2008)); as relativas com pied-piping preposicional dependem de seu ensino formal (Corrêa (1998); Guasti e Cardinaletti (2003)). / This dissertation investigates the linguistic behavior of Brazilian children aged between 4;0 and 6;11, in relation to the production of direct object and prepositional object relative clauses. According to Friedmann, Belletti and Rizzi (2009), such difficulty arises due to the [+NP] feature present in the relative clause subject and the relativized head. To the authors, the child grammar takes the relative subject as an intervening element that hampers the relativization of the object, resulting in a violation resembling Relativized Minimality (Rizzi, 1990). On the other hand, experimental studies like Gennari and Macdonald (2008) indicate that such difficulty is absent in object relatives featuring an animate subject and an inanimate relativized head. Based on these studies, we designed an elicited production task with pairs of pictures. In our experimental material, we controlled the animacy feature in both the relative subject and the relativized head, so as to check which animacy configurations render the object relatives more difficult. Our results suggest that direct object relatives become more difficult when they feature an inanimate subject. That happens because the subject position is typically filled by an animate argument (Becker, 2014). The frequent use of avoidance strategies in these relatives indicates that animacy plays a determining role in facilitating or hindering the production of direct object relatives. Regarding the prepositional object relatives, our results indicate that all the animacy configurations were difficult for our research subjects, so that animacy does not play a determining role in the production of these relatives. We suggest that a number of things might be involved in the difficulty observed in these constructions: the absence of relatives featuring prepositional pied-piping in the speech of adults; the bigger derivational simplicity in prepositional relatives with a null or a pronounced resumptive (Roeper (2003); Lessa de Oliveira (2008)); relatives featuring prepositional pied-piping require formal learning (Corrêa (1998); Guasti e Cardinaletti (2003)).