Die englischsprachige Dissertationsschrift leistet einen grundlegenden Beitrag zur irischen Gartenkunstgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts. In ihr wird erstmals übergreifend die Argumentation raum-zeitlicher Inszenierungsstrategien in irischen Landschaftsgärten durch den visuellen und ästhetisch-stilistischen Bezug auf archäologische Überreste (wie Ganggräber, Ringforts und Hünengräber), Ruinen und historischen Stätten analysiert. Dafür werden 38 Gärten vor dem Hintergrund der Entwicklung vergleichbarer Anlagen in England und auf dem europäischen Kontinent untersucht (vier davon als Fallstudien). Es wird dargelegt, dass die Kompositionen irischer Gartenanlagen, die sich im Besitz sowohl etablierter als auch neu angesiedelter Grundbesitzer befanden, ein Ausdrucksmittel waren, um auf die sozial-politische Situation englischer Herrschaft zu reagieren. In den Gartenanlagen wurde irische Geschichte angeeignet bzw. instrumentalisiert. Die Wahrnehmung von archäologischen Überresten und historischen Stätten war eng mit der zeitgenössischen irischen antiquarischen Debatte verbunden. Gärten an oder in der Nähe von historischen Stätten sind grundsätzlich ein sehr geeignetes Medium um Geschichte erfahrbar zu machen. Denn während sich die Besucher durch den Gartenraum bewegen, können sie Raum und Zeit wahrnehmen. Durch die visuelle Verbindung von alten architektonischen Überresten und zeitgenössischen Gartenarchitekturen über Blickachsen werden darüber hinaus Vergangenheit und Gegenwart miteinander verknüpft. Für die Untersuchung wurde eine interdisziplinäre Methode gewählt, aus rezeptionsästhetischen und raumstrategischen Ansätzen, politischer Ikonographie und mit Verortung der Objekte in ihrem sozial-politischen Entstehungskontext. Die Arbeit enthält einen Katalogteil, der steckbriefartig 24 Gartenanlagen erfasst, die im Text ausführlicher analysiert werden. / This PhD thesis in English makes a fundamental contribution to the history of Irish gardens in the 18th century. For the first time, it analyses the staging of spatio-temporal strategies in Irish landscape gardens through visual and aesthetic-stylistic references to archaeological remains (such as passage tombs, ringforts and cromlechs), ruins and historical sites. For this purpose, 38 gardens are examined against the background of the development of comparable sites in England and on the European continent (four of them as case studies). It is argued that the compositions of Irish gardens, owned by both established and newly settled landowners, were a means of expression in response to the socio-political situation of English rule. Irish history was appropriated or instrumentalised in the gardens. The perception of archaeological remains and historic sites was closely linked to the contemporary Irish antiquarian debate. Gardens at or near historic sites are fundamentally a very appropriate medium for making history tangible. For as visitors move through the garden space, they can perceive space and time. Moreover, by visually linking ancient architectural remains and contemporary garden architecture via visual axes, past and present are interconnected. An interdisciplinary method was chosen for the study, consisting of approaches to reception aesthetics and spatial strategy, political iconography and locating the objects in their socio-political context of origin. The work contains a catalogue section that lists 24 garden sites, which are analysed in more detail in the text.

[pt] Esta tese tem como objetivo pensar o livro de segunda mão como objeto material inserido em um circuito urbano. Percorrendo o seu caminho e desenhando um mapa cultural, através de pesquisa de campo, os conceitos de profissão ou ofício, consumo, troca, patrimônio, valor econômico e simbólico, ordem e desordem, raridade, tempo e propriedade são destacados. Abordagens críticas questionam os movimentos de consumo colaborativo e a vinculação do livro velho nos sites de venda online, deste modo uberização do livro é uma expressão criada nesta tese para pensar parte do circuito envolvendo a internet. A cidade é ocupada pelos livros e pelos livreiros em dinâmicas circulares: eles transitam infinitas vezes indo e vindo por lugares conhecidos e circunscritos tradicionalmente; do lixo até o leilão de obras raras. As livrarias são Sebos de alfarrabistas geridas e habitadas por mestres e aprendizes transmitindo o ofício entre familiares; por outro lado, os sebos de rua shopping chão, os das calçadas e das feiras revelam elementos de informalidade e indeterminação econômica e espacial, perseguidos pela administração pública. O livro usado possui marcas das intervenções humanas e circunstanciais – rabiscos, rasgados, colagens, assinaturas, dedicatórias – que lhe conferem os signos de valor. É importante para os membros do circuito identificarem estas marcas para redistribuí-los através da elaboração de descrições e arrumações específicas para cada categoria de livro usado. Bibliófilos são consumidores de livros antigos, livreiros são consumidores de outros livreiros em instâncias diversas, catadores recebem livros daqueles que abandonam e depois vendem para livreiros que oferecem para colecionadores, estes podem abandonar mais uma vez os livros nas ruas ou no lixo, então o ciclo se renova em uma cartografia multissituada. / [en] This thesis aims to think of the second-hand book as material object inserted in an urban circuit. Traversing your way and drawing a cultural map, through fieldwork, the concepts of profession or trade, consumption, exchange, heritage, economic and symbolic value, order and disorder, rarity, time and property are highlighted. Critical approaches question the collaborative consumption movements and the linking of the old book to online selling sites, so book uberization is an expression created in this thesis to think about part of the circuit involving the internet. The city is occupied by books and booksellers in circular dynamics: they travel endlessly to and fro through traditionally known and circumscribed places; from the garbage to the rare books auction. Antiquarian bookstores are inhabited by masters and apprentices transmitting the craft among family members; on the other hand, the shopping chão, sidewalks and fairs (flea market) reveal elements of informality and economic and spatial indeterminacy, pursued by the government. The used book has marks of human and circumstantial interventions - scribbles, torn, collages, signatures, dedications - that give it the signs of value. It s important for circuit members to identify these marks in order to redistribute them through the elaboration of specific descriptions and arrangements for each category of used book. Bibliophiles are consumers of old books, booksellers are consumers of other booksellers in different instances, garbage collectors receive books from those they abandon and then sell to booksellers that they offer to books collectors, they can once again abandon books on the streets or in the garbage, then the cycle is renewed in a multi-sited cartography.

Furniture history is often considered a niche subject removed from the main discipline of art history, and one that has little to do with the output of painters, sculptors and architects. This thesis, however, connects the key intellectual, artistic and architectural debates surfacing in 'the arts' between 1740 and 1840 with the design of British furniture. Despite the expanding corpus of scholarly monographs and articles dealing with individual cabinet-makers, furniture making in geographic areas and periods of time, little attention has been paid to exploring Gothic furniture made between 1740 and 1840. Indeed, no body of research on 'mainstream' Gothic furniture made at this time has been published. No sustained attempt has been made to trace its stylistic evolution, establish stylistic phases, or to place this development within the context of contemporary architectural practice and historiography — except for the study of A.W.N. Pugin's 'Reformed Gothic'. Neither have furniture historians been willing to explore the aesthetic's connection with the intellectual and sentimental position of 'the Gothic' in the period. This thesis addresses these shortcomings and is the first to bridge the historiographic, cultural and architectural concerns of the time with the stylistic, constructional and material characteristics of Gothic furniture. It argues that it, like architecture, was charged with social and political meanings that included national identity in the eighteenth century — around a century before Charles Barry and A.W.N. Pugin designed the Palace of Westminster and prominently associated the Gothic legacy with Britishness.

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.