This dissertation examines the contributions and significance of U.S. expatriates in Great Britain, West Germany, France, and Canada to the Vietnam antiwar movement. Utilizing archives of several expatriate antiwar groups, the personal papers of prominent expatriate activists, and the U.S. government, I argue dissent from this constituency was motivated by a desire to broaden U.S. civil society so that it included the perspectives, insights, and experiences of the highly mobile postwar population and accounted for the reality of its transatlantic empire. Overseas citizens often presented their dissent as patriotic, leaning on a range of national icons and traditions to situate themselves as part of the U.S. community, and, based on their experiences abroad, they claimed a specific expertise, unavailable to most other citizens on matters of foreign policy, international relations, and national security. As such, expats contested how U.S. policymakers used claims of national security and credibility to mobilize the transatlantic public for the war, and instead disseminated alternative interpretations as the basis of their dissent.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Robert D. Linder / This study examines how three Mennonite colleges in Kansas struggled with issues of church and state during the Vietnam War as they attempted to express patriotism while remaining true to their Anabaptist theological heritage and commitments. It considers how the pressures of an undeclared war in Vietnam and acculturation into the greater American society produced tension within these colleges and also evaluates whether these forces eroded or sharpened their peace positions and those of their parent denominations. Allowing for close analysis of three groups that derive from the same theological tradition, but which have struggled with how to express their dual doctrines of nonresistance and nonconformity in regard to the American state and society, the investigation considers both the motivations for and political experience of dissent by these people previously opposed to political involvement. This study examines why the three campuses chose different responses to this dilemma and argues that their actions depended not only on students, but also were influenced by the leadership of faculty and administration, decisions by the three parent denominations, and pressures exerted by the towns in which they were located. As such, this study relies on a thick social analysis to explore what acculturation meant for Mennonites struggling to emerge from isolation and to be faithful to their Christian commitments. It offers an answer to the historiography that locates antiwar protest as a chiefly secular exercise and breaks new ground by arguing that even theologically conservative religious groups opposed the war and demonstrated against it because of their convictions and commitment. Moreover, it also explores the pressures exerted by Kansans on these groups and why two of the three were willing to raise questions and perform protests of a wide variety that risked the protected status extended to their draft-age young men. It also begins to fill a gap in the historical literature on Mennonites in central Kansas during the Vietnam War, describing the diverse responses by the different colleges and considering how the war challenged denominational attitudes about their historic faith and its relationship to government. In the case of one school in particular, the analysis also will indicate that the college had not completely resolved the tensions between church and state, but only postponed their resolution to the next decade. Finally, the study will lay groundwork for further investigation and argumentation regarding the abilities of the main Mennonite groups to experiment with and redefine non-conformity in regard to issues of church and state in the United States and the contested nature of antiwar unrest and protest in twentieth-century America. This dissertation incorporates the publication by Robin Deich Ottoson, “The Battle Over the Flag: Protest, Community Opposition, and Silence in the Mennonite Colleges in Kansas during the Vietnam War,” Journal of Church and State, 52, no. 4 (October 2010), 686–711, https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csq106. Used with permission by Oxford University Press and the J.M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies at Baylor University, this is the first comparative study of Mennonite college protest during the Vietnam War.

The Vietnam antiwar movement developed in the American Southwest out of a coalition of Chicanos, GI's, and students who agreed that the Vietnam War was racist, imperialist, costly, and negatively affected them and their communities. The antiwar movement in the Southwest formed in 1967, made possible by the emergence of the Chicano and GI movements. Chicanos criticized the military for a disproportionate number of Mexican American combat deaths in Vietnam. The military sent activist youth from across the country to bases in the Southwest, where they protested the war alongside Chicanos and college students. Connections between Chicanos, GI's, and students developed into a strong antiwar movement in 1968-1969. Beginning in 1970, the coalition fell apart as Chicanos increasingly pursued a strategy of separatism from mainstream American society as the key to self-determination. Frustration over perceived lack of progress in ending the war led the antiwar movement into an escalation in protest tactics and radicalization of its message, pushing out moderate voices and further weakening the movement. This thesis offers an original contribution because historians have failed to pay attention to the vibrant antiwar movement in the Southwest, instead, mostly focusing on the East Coast and San Francisco Bay Area. Historians of the Chicano movement have not adequately shown how it allied with other movements in the 1960s to achieve its goals. The use of underground newspapers allows a window into the writings and ideas of the protestors.

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No description available.

This dissertation examines the relations between the local base of the anti-Iraq War movement and the local press in the UK. It is, as such, a study of the interactions between local newsworkers and local activists, as well as a Content Analysis study of how the Iraq crisis, and particularly opposition to military action, was reported on in the pages of the local press. Key questions to be addressed include how local journalists assessed the legitimacy of the antiwar movement; how, and the reasons why, opponents of the war sought local press coverage, and with what consequences (if any) their interactions with the media may have had for the movement; and how the local press handled the almost uniquely controversial nature of the Iraq crisis in its reporting. Most previous research on the Iraq crisis has focused on the national media local media has hitherto been absent from the research agenda. Likewise, the majority of research on social movements has usually focused on the national leaderships of those movements again the local dimension of social movements has rarely been studied. In these ways it is hoped that the study makes a unique contribution to research into both the reporting of the Iraq crisis, and to the study of the interactions between social movements and the media.

Cette thèse se penche sur les photographies dites « iconiques » issues des contenus photojournalistiques de la guerre américaine au Vietnam. Au cours de l’histoire moderne, quelques dizaines de photographies documentaires, d’art ou de mode ont été consacrées comme « icônes », un terme qui dénote leurs qualités symboliques ou d’incarnation. Parmi ces images, quatre ont émergé de l’archive visuelle de la guerre du Vietnam. Ces quatre icônes sont des images photojournalistiques au contenu choquant, sensationnel ou violent, qui ont fait l’objet de nombreux rappels dans la presse au cours des décennies post-guerre, ainsi que de remédiations dans divers domaines artistiques. Leur grande renommée a conduit l’historiographie de la guerre et l’imaginaire public à les penser influentes ; ainsi, on pense souvent que ces images ont retourné l’opinion publique pendant le conflit ou causé la défaite. Cette thèse examine de près la relation entre « icône » et « influence » par le biais d’une revue de l’historiographie des médias pendant la guerre du Vietnam et dans sa période de mémorialisation. Si la notion d’influence des images est démentie par certains experts dans des études très précises et documentées, elle continue néanmoins de faire partie de la définition des icônes photojournalistiques et de nombreux contenus médiatiques de nos jours. La spécificité des icônes du Vietnam et leur progression dans la presse des années 1970 aux années2000 sont ici présentées en détail pour expliquer comment ces images sont devenues représentatives de la notion d’influence, et dans quelle mesure les discours médiatiques ont contribué à une éducation par l’icône. L’objectif de cette étude est de montrer que les icônes sont des objets uniques dans leur composition et tout à fait métaphotojournalistiques qui attestent de l’attachement de la discipline à leur adaptabilité et à leur familiarité. Le public américain n’est plus le seul réceptacle de leur symbolisme, et les icônes, du Vietnam comme d’autres contextes,ont désormais atteint un statut international. Par conséquent, les icônes participent, dans l’ère contemporaine, à la problématisation et à la théorisation des études en culture visuelle. / This dissertation focuses on those press photographs from the Vietnam war considered to be “iconic”. In recenthistory, only about 30 or 40 photographs, whether documentary, art, or fashion images, have been consecrated as“icons”, a word that denotes their capacity to symbolize or embody various concepts. Among these images, fourhave surfaced from the visual archive of the Vietnam War. These icons are photojournalistic images whose contentwas considered shocking because of their sensational and graphic nature and which have appeared consistently inthe press since the end of the war and remediated in various artistic fields. Their fame has caused thehistoriographers of the Vietnam War and the public to think of them as influential objects; they have been credited with, or blamed for, turning public opinion against the war or for causing the ultimate defeat of American forces.This dissertation examines closely the relationship between “icon” and “influence” by way of a review of thehistoriography of the media during the Vietnam War and, afterwards, through its memorialization. Even thoughthe notion of influence is refuted by some experts in very precise and well-documented case studies, it remains anintegral part of the definition of photojournalistic icons of media content today. This essay exposes in detail theunique characteristics of the Vietnam icons and their progress in the press from the 1970s to the 2000s so as toexplain how these images have become representative of the influence theory, and to what extent media discoursehas contributed to educating the public by using icons. The aim of this essay is to show that icons have truly unique compositions and are fully meta-photojournalistic objects that testify to the media’s attachment to their adaptability and familiarity. The American public is no longer the only recipient of their symbolism ; icons—from Vietnam andfrom other contexts—have now reached an international status. Consequently, in contemporary times, icons contribute to problematizing and theorizing studies in visual culture.

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Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período. / This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.

Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período. / This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.