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One of the major goals of family planning programs worldwide has been to reduce the level of fertility in hopes of slowing the rate of natural increase and promoting social and economic development. Such programs have officially been in existence in Nigeria since 1988. The major goal of the programs is to increase knowledge and use of contraception. This study examined the attitudes of the citizens with special reference to the southeastern and southwestern regions of Nigeria towards family planning programs, to determine the extent of the programs' success. In conducting this research, 406 households were surveyed, in which either spouse (male or female) was interviewed. The survey was conducted in seven states in Nigeria. Using inferential statistics, the finding of this study indicated that although knowledge of contraception has increased for both rural and urban areas, current use of contraception has not followed in the same direction, mainly due to "want for another child" and preference for male children. This study showed that the family planning program Nigeria needs to be pursued more vigorously to ensure compliance with rules and regulations. Continuous amendment and periodic evaluation may be necessary to ensure effectiveness and success. This study would provide additional information to the body of literature already in the field.

Canada and Mexican relations have not been written about in much length past Canada's Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) recruiting Mexican laborers. In recent years, migration from Mexico to Canada has increased at an exponential rate. The most significant and notable increase has been in the number of refugee claims from Mexicans wanting to seek asylum in Canada. It is found that Canada is the number one destination for Mexican refugees, while Canada accepts their claims at an alarmingly low rate compared to claims from other nations, even in Latin America. I argue the reason Mexicans chose Canada to claim refugee status is Canada's long history of an open immigration policy and especially their economic and temporary labor agreements with Canada. These policies give the impression to Mexicans they are very much welcome in Canada. This is proved to be untrue when Canada changed their immigration and refugee policies in response, specifically, to the overwhelming number of Mexican refugee claims.

President Trump’s presidency can be characterized as unpredictable, controversial, and unconventional. One such instance is America’s departure from decades of free-trade advocacy under his administration and engagement in trade disputes with numerous nations. By viewing the 2018 trade dispute through the political and economic perspectives, this thesis aims to understand what the motivating factors are for Trump and his administration to pursue such extensive protectionist policies. The author analyzes the tariffs through two main categories: those that target an adversarial power, China, and those that target traditional allies like Canada, Mexico, and the European Union. The thesis finds that, politically and economically, the protectionist policies have a low likelihood of yielding a substantial payout for the Trump administration. They also potentially threaten to undermine the U.S-built world order.

This thesis attempts to understand the reasons behind Hungary’s surge in populism in the years following the 2008 financial crisis. In particular it looks at the two major political parties in Hungary, Fidesz and Jobbik, and how they continue to maintain control over the Hungarian government despite the common theory that populist support deteriorates overtime. A key component of Populism is that it usually grows in times of crises. Particularly in Hungary I focus on the many crises that arose during Hungary’s turbulent history of occupation, especially their transition out of Communism. Along with the devastation caused by the 2008 financial crash. Hungary’s inability to completely transition into a full-fledged Democracy as well as the economic devastation they witnessed following 2008 has created an environment where Populism can thrive indefinitely.

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Burmese migrant workers leave Myanmar and come to Thailand because of the ongoing economic and political discrimination at home. Drawn to the greater work opportunities available in Thailand, these migrant workers are actively working and looking for jobs in Thailand’s menial job sectors such as agriculture, domestic work, fisheries, construction and manufacturing. They suffer from low-paid, difficult and dangerous work conditions which are largely unprotected by labor laws. Taking into account Thailand’s new minimum wage, the Thai economy’s labor shortage problem and the coming of the ASEAN Economic Community in 2015, the Thai government should coordinate the efforts of its own various agencies, employers, migrant associations, civil society, the Thai public, ASEAN and the international community to improve Burmese migrant workers’ rights. Beyond the process of clarifying the rights of migrants in the workplace to Thai employers and labor unions, as well as enforcing existing laws, the Thai government should provide migrants with health care services, education, and the option of citizenship, so that the migrants can live a quality life in their adopted country.

Neoliberal agrarian reforms in Latin America have lead to both advances and set backs for the women’s and indigenous movements. While most neoliberal policies were the same in terms of goals, like creating institutions that encourage a capitalist markets, the results were somewhat heterogeneous in part due to the role of the women’s and indigenous movements in individual countries. The rise of the international women’s movement, which was marked by the UN’s decade on women from 1975-1985, coincided with an unfavorable economic climate in Latin America.