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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.

This paper discusses the Romaji Movement and its role in the reform of the Japanese written language during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). Past analyses concerning the Romaji Movement have suggested that romanization failed due to conspiracies against it and have neglected to consider other alternatives being pursued by the Japanese government. This paper will take a closer look at the Americans who supported romanization, their motivations for doing so, and the development of SCAP policy towards language reform. Since simplification, not romanization, was the preferred objective of both the American and the Japanese governments, this paper goes on to examine alternative methods to simplification which, in the end, proved to be highly successful.

Considering the prominent role India has played in the United Nations since independence, it is important to remember that its involvement in international organizations predates the advent of the U.N. by over 25 years. An original signatory to the Treaty of Versailles (1919), India became a founding member of the League of Nations. As a non-sovereign part of the British Empire and the League's only colonial member, however, India faced a set of unique problems in its interaction with the League; its role was, as a result, both complex and anomalous. / This dissertation analyzes India's membership of the League from its entry in 1919 to the outbreak of the Second World War. In addition to examining changes in India's status in the British Empire during the First World War and detailing its entry into the League at the Paris Peace Conference, the work surveys the various influences on India's League policy. The work also explores the background of India's League delegates. Although appointed by the British Government of India and traditionally seen, therefore, as mere collusionists, most were actually moderate nationalists operating outside the Gandhi-Nehru fold. They saw collaboration with the British in India's League affairs, despite obvious restrictions, as beneficial to India in developing its international persona. / Despite clear limitations, India's role in the League was significant. Membership of the League offered Indians the opportunity of dispelling Eurocentric misperceptions about India and of showing that Indians were fully capable of grappling with complex global issues. India's involvement in League work, particularly in the areas of opium and slavery suppression, public health, and intellectual cooperation, was of demonstrable benefit to the country as a whole. India's League membership also provided an initial testing ground for its, and Pakistan's, later membership in the United Nations, and as a training ground for a future cadre of Indian and Pakistani diplomats. Finally, India's presence at Geneva helped secure for it an important status in the international system, giving it, and Pakistan, a comparative advantage over other newly independent countries in the post-Second World War period. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 55-07, Section: A, page: 2105. / Major Professor: Bawa Satinder Singh. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1994.

This study attempts to explain Taiwan's democratic transition in the mid-1980s by looking at its macro historical-developmental processes and micro shifts in mass democratic values and voting behavior. / It is found that democratization has been delayed but not denied as it has remained one of the fundamental goals in Taiwan's postwar development. Democracy was postponed in the interest of achieving political stability in the 1950s and economic growth in the 1960s. However, by the late 1970s tangible progress towards the goals of democratization had become indispensable for both continued sociopolitical stability and economic growth. / Two macro trends of liberalizing changes associated with socioeconomic development are identified, which converged and resulted in Taiwan's democratic transition in the mid-1980s. Top-down liberalization as Taiwanization was introduced by the ruling KMT to revitalize the political system beginning in the early 1970s. Paralleling postwar socioeconomic development, a bottom-up democratizing movement emerged along with the extension of elections and finally gave rise to an organized opposition. When the first meaningful opposition party was formed, Taiwan experienced a democratic transition with the lifting of martial law and the legitimizing of opposition parties in the mid-1980s. / Findings at the micro level show an emerging democratic sub-culture characterizing Taiwan's changing political culture. Shifts in democratic values increased one's likelihood of opposition voting. Education has been identified as the most important predictor for democratic values and other civic orientations. In turn, an individual's opposition voting is mainly a product of democratic values. In addition ethnicity, education, and political efficacy are shown to have significant effects on voting for the opposition. / In sum, Taiwan's socioeconomic development provided the necessary macro trends that encouraged democratic development. Education is found to be the major link between socioeconomic change and democratization, while the shift in democratic values was the dynamics. As a result, a democratic value cleavage emerged as the basis of opposition politics. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 51-07, Section: A, page: 2513. / Major Professor: Scott C. Flanagan. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1990.

Following the military defeat in the Russo-Japanese War and the political upheaval of the Revolution of 1905, the tsarist regime began a campaign to create a new, embedded patriotic culture within society that would recognize the historical legitimacy of the ruling regime and fervently support that regime in times of crisis. Many in the army's senior ranks as well as in the civilian ministries of the regime believed that an almost complete lack of ideological connection between the regime and the people caused both the revolution and the military disaster in Manchuria In 1906, the regime began to shape a coordinated and aggressive campaign of cultural transformation that would help mobilize popular attitudes in support of the empire. This effort consisted of three programs. In 1908, the Ministry of Education introduced compulsory military education to Russia's schools to teach drill and gymnastics as preparation for devoted service to the Fatherland. In that same year, the regime began encouraging the growth of paramilitary youth groups throughout the empire. Most striking, however, was the general staff's decision to make use of three immediately forthcoming national anniversaries to drive home the lessons of patriotism, national glory and civic duty. The celebrations of these anniversaries were unprecedented in scale and purpose and introduced a new type of national patriotic festival to Russian culture By bringing the efforts to instill a new patriotic and civic consciousness into focus, this dissertation expands our understanding of the late imperial period. It reveals tsarist institutions as active agents of change attempting to revitalize the relationship between the regime and the population. The results, they hoped, would be increased social stability and enhanced military might. These objectives were traditional. Yet the methods employed to achieve them were new. In its twilight, the regime grasped the importance of mobilizing popular attitudes and reacted by crafting a sophisticated effort to shape the identities of its subjects. Instead of being immobilized by revolution and military defeat, this study has documented how the tsarist regime responded to the events of 1905 with an impulse to innovate that can only be characterized as modern / acase@tulane.edu

The developmental histories of Mexico, Brazil, Taiwan, and South Korea are examined through historical-structural analyses integrating elements from evolving Modernization, Dependency, and World-System perspectives. The notion that Latin American and East Asian industrialization can be understood in terms of monolithic 'development models' defined by contrasting economic policies is rejected. The view that Latin American development has been undermined by protectionist import-substituting industrialization programs while East Asian countries have implemented more effective 'free market' policies is a distortion of the long-term historical facts. The cases' developmental trajectories reflect their participation in competitive historically-conditioned socio-economic and political relations at the state, sub-state, and supra-state levels. Actors seeking to structure the flow of financial, technological, military, labor, and other resources in their favor construct institutions that link actors at the various levels, regulate their interactions, and establish the general parameters of developmental possibilities. State and their aparata are complemented at the sub-state level by classes' and status groups' political parties, unions, religious institutions, business associations, and other organizational resources. At the supra-state level developmental parameters are established by international organizations and regimes. The rise of the Latin American and East Asian NICs is better understood within the context of their long-term incorporation into a globalizing capitalist world-economy, the United States' ascent to world hegemony, the consolidation of competing socialist and capitalist political-economic blocs, and the end of the Cold War. The theories of development that have attempted to explain these transformations have necessarily been influenced by this social context / acase@tulane.edu

The Congress Party has governed India for most of its post-independence existence. As the dominant party, its internal processes are determined by examining the interaction between the organization's hierarchy. The intermediate elite forms a vital part of this internal process. At the national level, they interact with the high command; at the local level, they work in the state and district party organizations. Intermediate elites' may be constrained by party discipline imposed by the high command. They find opportunities for individual initiative at the local and regional levels. Intermediate elites display ideological and pragmatic behavior tendencies. They view the political arena as an open competitive forum. Elites generally embrace the notion of the political entrepreneur. Elites play the role of ombudsmen and as factional leaders in party affairs. In most instances, the intermediate elite is unable to resolve basic social conflicts caused by rapid social change. The primary mode of behavior is the distribution of patronage. Elites strive to build linkages beyond their constituency and groups upwards in the party and outward in society in an effort to control the very competitive political environment / acase@tulane.edu

Taking Percy Bysshe Shelley's A Philosophical View of Reform as its key document, this dissertation makes two contributions to nineteenth-century studies. First, it locates Shelley in the context of England's colonial venture in British India, a context new to Shelleyan study, although several scholars have investigated his Orientalist elements. Second, it ties together several major, seemingly disparate--even competing--late-eighteenth- /early-nineteenth-century discourses on India, illustrating how these discourses were later enlisted to serve the English Raj. Beyond reviewing Orientalism, Utilitarianism, Evangelicalism, and Imperialism, this dissertation also treats related contemporary issues of class, gender, race, and nationalism and finds that subjectivities that middle-class males established for the Indian 'other' were later re-imported to England to further subjugate women, workers, and non-English Britishers. The View demonstrates both Shelley's knowledge of these debates and his internalized contradictions concerning India. Although chiefly concerned with Shelley's lifetime, this study also reviews late-eighteenth-century origins of the discourses and their Victorian distillation into the new imperialism Chapter One surveys period issues of class, gender, race, and nationalism; their relationship to British India; and Shelley's personal and literary treatment of these issues. Chapter Two reviews overall English Orientalism concerning India and Indic elements in Shelley's Mab through Triumph. Chapter Three treats Utilitarian projects in India and England, and outlines Shelley's mastery and later rejection of Utilitarianism (Defence) as limited rationalism. Chapter Four studies Evangelical Indian and English projects, and reviews Shelley's seeming contradictions between attacking Christianity (Essay on Christianity; View) yet approving of missionaries in India (View). Chapter Five illustrates the coalescing of the discourses into Victorian manifest imperialism in India and ideological imperialism at home. It also tests Shelley as early 'reluctant imperialist' (Brantlinger) or unwitting pre-1857 collaborator (Said). Finally, nothing Shelley's hatred of tyranny (Cenci; Prometheus Unbound) and his theories on transience of empire (Hellas), and individual progress as sole means of breaking history's repeating cycles, this study posits that Shelley, although highly conflicted, could not have guessed England's future imperialism and that he offers Jesus the anarchist as model to show Indians how to reject their 'paralysing' caste system / acase@tulane.edu

The present study examined which factors affect the national crime trends in postwar Japan from an integrated theoretical perspective, including a critical economic theory and theories of deterrence and social control. The primary focus of analysis was on structural variables involving socio-economic conditions, certainty of punishment, social bonding, and age structure. Dependent variables of interest were the rate of each type of the following five major Penal Code offenses: larceny, bodily injury, rape, robbery, and homicide. A time-series regression analysis was performed on the basis of the aggregate official data over a 35 year time period from 1954 to 1988. The major findings are that economic affluence combined with economic equality and high efficiency of police and court activities appear to be important determinants of crime trends in postwar Japan; age structure and social bonding variables appeared the least likely to be significant. Despite certain data and methodological limitations, this study suggests the postwar Japanese crime patterns can be explained by critical economic theory and deterrence theory better than social control theory and the age structure perspective. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-03, Section: A, page: 0953. / Major Professor: Gordon P. Waldo. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1992.