This thesis explores individual and collective identities and experiences of Roman power by considering the roles of insiders (Cypriots) and outsiders (non Cypriots). Chapter one presents the history of scholarship on Roman Cyprus and considers the impact of previous studies, shaped by the model of Romanisation, on studies of Roman Cyprus today. Chapter two examines the Roman annexation and administration of Cyprus in order to contextualise later analysis of Cypriot experiences of, and reactions to, Rome. This chapter also re-considers evidence for the proconsuls of Roman Cyprus from 58 BC to the mid fourth century AD. Chapter three explores how Roman citizens and high profile visitors from outside the island, along with locally enfranchised elites, expressed their identity in public monuments. For comparison, the monuments of individuals who did not obtain citizenship are briefly considered. Chapter four investigates collective power and identity by turning to the poleis of Roman Cyprus. Central to this investigation is the exploration of the construction of civic identity in the Roman period. Evidence for the use of mythology, particularly foundation myths, and local religious practices are considered in the study of each polis. Chapter five considers the overall identity of Roman Cyprus first by examining evidence for the representation of individuals and the poleis of Cyprus in monuments outside the island. Next, this chapter examines the activities and monuments of the koinon of Cyprus. The final chapter ties together the evidence for individual and collective identities explored in chapters two to five to summarise how Roman power was experienced in Cyprus and what identities emerged in response. Finally, this chapter considers what elements comprised the identities expressed under Roman rule and whether there was a particular quality that could be considered as exclusively 'Cypriot' under Rome.

Dams have had significant impact on the hinterlands of the regions in which they are built. Since the 1980s, there has been a growing body of empirical literature that has critiqued the fallout of dams on populations residing in the catchment areas and face uncertain futures due to inadequate or lack of rehabilitation policies that do not consider the long-term impact of the displacement on the economic, social and political lives of the affected population. Due to such encompassing effects, dams have long been the points of critique for environmentalists and social activists in the countries of the South. In south Asia, the Narmada dam controversy raised questions of displacement and water politics in the decade of the 1990s specifically but raised larger questions on the nature of adivasi relations with the Indian state, and the nature of development and paradigms of progress in the region. However, there are few studies in the field of anthropology or displacement studies that have examined the relationship between development projects and how these are remembered among those adversely affected by them. Based on fieldwork over 8 months, this thesis seeks to explore the different ways in which displacement due to the Ukai dam in the south Gujarat region of India is remembered by a group of 3 adivasi villages. It focuses specifically on the perception of the displaced adivasis and contexts and creation of the varying memories of displacement across social status, gender and generations in these three villages. In remembering the processes of disempowerment among displaced groups, the different groups of adivasis articulate the hunger and marginalisation that pervades their everyday lives. This thesis attempts to look at this fibre of social suffering and how this is experienced and lived out by the displaced villagers 30 years after the event of being displaced due to the dam. Through the focus on remembering displacement, the thesis attempts to examine the process through which pre-existing hierarchies are strengthened in the postdisplacement period and the disempowerment experienced by some of those already living on the margins in the pre-dam socio-economic and political structures. By focusing on the different memories and experiences of disempowerment from a long-term perspective, the thesis calls into question the singularity of an `impoverished community' and the role of development projects in exacerbating pre-existing hierarchies rather than transforming them.

This thesis explores the significance of the Korean War (1950–1953) to British social history. In particular, it examines the subjectivity of individuals who served in the British military during this 'forgotten war'. It uses the conflict as a case study through which to understand the influence of the state in shaping individuals in the Cold War period. This thesis suggests that the construction, control and efficiency of human subjects – and of the soldier in particular – were key concerns for all combatant nations involved in the Cold War. In their recent studies of life-writing Igal Halfin and Jochen Hellbeck argue that state mechanisms were paramount in moulding subjectivity in Soviet Russia, but this thesis argues (also using life-writing as the principal source) that such historical discussion should be extended to other contexts. From the psychological assessment of new recruits to the interrogation of returned prisoners of war, British authorities in the mid-twentieth century repeatedly projected their ideal models of ‘thinking’ military subjects. In making such an argument, this thesis references a particularly influential body of work on the construction of subjectivity which began in the late 1980s, including work by Nikolas Rose, Anthony Giddens and Mike Savage. Yet the following chapters also suggest that there are limits to these interpretations. Using the under-researched and under-theorised letters, diaries, poetry and memoirs of British servicemen (from a range of social and military backgrounds) this thesis argues that soldiers frequently deviated from the models that were presented to them or were ambivalent towards to the structures that sought to shape them into uniform, and uniformed, subjects. In different contexts and over time, this thesis shows how the meaning of being a 'thinking soldier' of the Korean War changed profoundly, with ramifications for society more broadly.

The nationalist struggle in India against British colonial rule brought about the political mobilisation of both men and women. The nationalist leaders required the participation of women in the nationalist movement because the movement's importance and success was dependent on women's contribution to and involvement in it. While the existing research has contributed to my understanding of women's interaction with political life in India, this study attempts to reconstruct the dominant interpretations on women's political involvement. In doing so, it deconstructs concepts such as 'active', 'private', 'public' and 'political'. The argument in this thesis is shaped through three inter-related themes. First, it problematises women's emergence into the public sphere from a purdah-bound domestic existence. Secondly, it locates the domestic as an equally important site of nationalist activities as the public sphere. Thirdly, in the light of the above themes, it is suggested that dichotomous concepts such as public/private do not help to explain the interaction between these spheres, which facilitated the complex process of women's emergence in the public sphere. Moreover, the associated concepts of political/apolitical do not take into account women's political contributions from within the domestic sphere. Within the domestic sphere, women's nationalist identities were continuously re-negotiated to accommodate values of ancient Indian culture and the new Western influences. These identities shifted from an educated domestic woman to a nonviolent and non-antagonistic public woman to a public woman aware of challenging Western ideas, yet primarily confined to the domestic sphere. The nationalist movement also served as an important vehicle for encouraging middle-class women to engage in activities and to adopt new role models. The representations of women constructed by the nationalist project enabled women to play a political role through the avenues they opened, in both the public and domestic domains. However, women's political past and their varied contribution to the struggle was not effective in undermining gender inequalities or improving their status in society. The ideas in this historical study are shaped primarily through oral narratives and Hindi vernacular literature. The interviews with Indian activists, as a non-Western researcher, made me aware of the negotiable category 'Other'. Official and unofficial sources provided an initial framework for the study of this historical period.

This research discusses the post-migration lived experience of the Peraktown Sikhs, a diaspora community of visible difference in the specific context of Malaysia. Using a qualitative case study methodology, I juxtaposed oral life history narratives and extensive interviews, memoirs and photographs, to study eighteen members of a total thirty-five Sikh families who lived in the multi-ethnic township I renamed Peraktown. Their narratives offer a loose historical chronology from the early 20th century to the 1970s of a diasporic group seeking to find home and a place to belong. Using a postcolonial lens, the research demonstrates the complex negotiation between inherited cultural traditions and the appropriation of colonial knowledge. It explores engagement and interaction with broader societal structures and dominant habitus within the rubric of identity construction, hybridity and the idea of home. My focus is the liminal generation, born prior to Indian and Malaysian independence, between 1915 and 1947. Framed in both the concept of diaspora as bounded space and the diaspora as a societal process, I co-opted a concept native to Sikhs, the Pindh, to understand and interrogate their unique understanding of identity, belonging and home. The Pindh or village incorporates relationships with the landscape and social structure in the construction of Sikh/Punjabi identification. In contrast to studies on Sikhs elsewhere, in Peraktown, the nostalgic attachment and identification with the physical spaces of their ancestral homeland and the meaning it imbued is accompanied by the appropriation of concepts and practices that sustain the idea of community belonging, bridging the divide of being at home both ‘here’ and ‘there’. This conceptual category is extended further, creating a Pindh of the mind, not bounded by geography or time. Their position offers this research a place in continued discussions of the complexity and fluidity of cultural identity and belonging and how this is constructed. Their lived experiences offer a map to the continued negotiations of diaspora identities in the newly forged linkages and relationships with land, a recreation of place and space in the course of settlement in the new host country.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 37-06, Section: A, page: 3829. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1976.

by Lo Leung Shing. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-71). / ABSTRACT --- p.III / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.IV / LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS --- p.VI / LIST OF TABLES --- p.VII / PREFACE --- p.VIII / Chapter CHAPTER I- --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter CHAPTER II - --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.3 / The Telecommunications Industry --- p.3 / The Asia-Pacific Region --- p.5 / The Asia-PACIFIC Telecommunications Industry --- p.8 / Demand for Telecommunications --- p.8 / Size of the Telecommunications Market --- p.10 / Chapter CHAPTER III - --- METHODOLOGY --- p.15 / Quantitative Analysis --- p.15 / Literature Review --- p.15 / Variables --- p.16 / Data Sources --- p.17 / Scope of Industry Segment --- p.18 / Countries Selection --- p.18 / Time Span --- p.18 / Analysis Method --- p.19 / Hypotheses --- p.19 / Infrastructure size --- p.19 / Traffic --- p.21 / Financial performance --- p.22 / Potential demand --- p.22 / Qualitative Analysis --- p.23 / Literature Review --- p.25 / Analysis Method --- p.26 / Limitation of the Study --- p.26 / Chapter CHAPTER IV- --- QUANTITATIVE STUDY --- p.28 / Data analysis --- p.28 / Infrastructure size --- p.28 / Traffic --- p.34 / Financial Performance --- p.35 / Potential Demand --- p.37 / Chapter CHAPTER V - --- QUALITATIVE STUDY --- p.38 / Background of the interviewees --- p.38 / Company A --- p.38 / Company B --- p.39 / Company C --- p.39 / Findings --- p.40 / Strategic Directions --- p.40 / Asia-Pacific operation --- p.40 / Global strategy on infrastructure acquisition --- p.41 / How to forecast Asia development --- p.42 / Competitive advantage --- p.42 / Perspectives on the Asia-Pacific Market --- p.42 / Technology development in Asia --- p.42 / Industrial Environment in Asia-Pacific --- p.43 / Deregulation --- p.44 / Chapter CHAPTER VI - --- CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION --- p.46 / Opportunities --- p.46 / Threats --- p.47 / Final Words --- p.48 / APPENDIX 1- SAMPLE INVITATION LETTER AND INTERVIEW QUESTIONS --- p.50 / APPENDIX 2- DEFINITIONS FOR SELECTED TELECOMMUNICATIONS INDICATORS --- p.53 / APPENDIX 3 - DATA TABLE FOR QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS --- p.55 / Fixed Line Tele-density --- p.55 / Mobile Tele-density --- p.55 / Local Traffic per Inhabitant (calls) --- p.56 / International Traffic (minutes per inhabitant) --- p.55 / Annual Fixed Line Subscription Fee out of GDP per capita --- p.57 / Industrial Revenue out of Investment --- p.57 / GDP per capita (US --- p.58 / Service output --- p.58 / Trade value over GDP --- p.59 / APPENDIX 4 - STATISTICAL ANALYSIS EXAMPLE (H1 IN HONG KONG)… --- p.60 / APPENDIX 5 - STATISTICAL ANALYSIS RESULTS TABLE --- p.62 / APPENDIX 6 - ASIA-PACIFIC CABLE MAP --- p.68 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.69

This thesis examines the emergence of praetorianism in Pakistan and its relationship with militant Islamism from the establishment of Pakistan since independence in 1947. It analyses the evolution of civil-military relations in Pakistan, paying particular attention to the processes of state construction, inherent weaknesses of the country’s political and economic institutions, impact of significant regional events such as the Soviet-Afghan war, and chronic hostility with India. It focuses specifically on how these aspects of Pakistan’s historical experience impacted firstly, the phenomenon of military interventionism and, secondly, its evolving relationship with militant Islamism. This thesis also seeks to demystify the controversial relationship between the Pakistani military and Islamist militancy through a historically and conceptually grounded analysis. It does so by exploring the interface between praetorianism and militant Islamism in Pakistan through the lens of path dependency within a conceptual framework derived from historical institutionalism. Here it looks at the persistence of patterns in the course of the country’s institutional development as a reflection of the role of key players, their interests and strategies and the distribution of power amongst them. It factors in ideas of critical junctures, historical causation and increasing returns, to help to foment a deeper understanding of praetorianism and its evolving association with Islamism over time. Finally, it examines the constraints placed by Islamists, a combination of religiopolitical parties and militant groups, on the military’s expanding practical and political influence within the state. By bringing to light the historical role accorded to religious ideology within the Pakistani polity, it analyses the codification of a pervasive Islamist discourse within domestic and foreign policy. It reveals how powerful military regimes adopted and intensified the recourse to Islamism to augment their strategic and institutional ambitions, but in doing so were handicapped by this very dependence. Taken together the insights gleaned from this approach sets the thesis apart from the bulk of scholarship on civil-military relations in Pakistan, which has to date focused upon the overarching idea of military as a colossus or hegemon with few limitations on its power. This thesis advances two key arguments. First, it argues that the rise and entrenchment of praetorianism in Pakistan was based essentially upon the pathdependent trajectory of civil-military relations, incorporating Islamism as a selfreinforcing feature, to meet political, administrative and strategic needs. Second, it posits that this dependence in the long run served to limit the military’s power and influence over the state. By essentially re-contextualising the understanding of civil-military relations in Pakistan and situating the issue of Islamist militancy within this framework therefore, this thesis provides fresh insights on the contentious relationship between the Pakistani military and Islamist militancy.

Public administrative reform in Indonesia accelerated after the country experienced economic and political turbulence in 1999. As part of the reform policy, the central government introduced performance management systems in order to improve the capacity of public institutions, particularly local governments. The thesis uses semi-structured interviews to answer, how effective is the performance management system in Indonesian local government? How do rational/technocratic and political frameworks affect the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of performance management system? The evidence suggests the performance management system in the Indonesian public sector is ineffective. This is indicated by gaps between performance indicators and actual performance, by the non-use of performance information and by the behaviour of those who are supposed to be influenced. The ineffectiveness may be explained by both rational/technocratic factors, and political/cultural factors. Based on our findings, those elements affect effectiveness of the performance management system. However, respondents emphasised that political/cultural elements were more fundamental to successful use of performance information, but present more difficult and challenging issues to reform. Indonesian government agencies compete with each other to maintain a role in the context of decentralisation, each seeking to prevent too much accumulation of power by any other agency. Therefore, although the government agencies may favour a technocratic approach, they will resist any comprehensive technocratic scheme of system integration, particularly in the performance management system. The Indonesian public sector may thus represent a case of ‘political technocracy’ in which rationality is limited by political interests.

This thesis examines the effectiveness of China’s economic activities in North Korea in terms of resolving China’s domestic non-traditional security problems. It studies the implementation of China’s foreign economic policy towards North Korea. The thesis uses qualitative research methodology to study the economic activities launched after 2002 near the Sino-DPRK border and in North Korean ocean territory. It hypothesises that the commercialisation of China’s foreign economic policy towards North Korea is driven by actors below the state in order to resolve their socio-economic problems at the sub-state level. This policy-transition from original pro-aid economic policy to North Korea also has important implications for the regional order in Northeast Asia. These implications include advancing the economic reform process in North Korea, worsening the relationship between China and South Korea, and reducing the effectiveness of the international effort to denuclearise North Korea. The specific non-traditional security problems which have driven three major sectors of China’s economic activities in North Korea, i.e. mineral resource and energy sector, fishery industry sector and cross-border activities sector, include issues such as environment pollution, resource scarcity, labor shortage and cultural decline that diverge from the China’s strategic targets to Korea Peninsular. This thesis explores the link between high and low politics in the implementation stage of Chinese foreign policy through the relatively active role of actors below the state in Sino-DPRK economic cooperation and their impacts at the regional level after 2002 in contrast to the previous dominant role of central government in this field.