Psychological literature regarding South Asian American mental health and race-related issues is scarce (Daga & Raval, 2018; Nadimpalli, Kanaya, McDade, & Kandula, 2016; Pyke & Dang, 2003). In particular, discriminatory practices involving individuals’ personal names of ethnic origin have primarily been explored within educational research (Kholi & Solórzano, 2012); the present study conceptualizes these experiences within a psychological context as name-based microaggressions. Name-based microaggressions represent a promising avenue by which to advance racism-related theory and research in that they may be reasonably expected to occur throughout the interpersonal interactions of a wide variety of individuals, including the educational system, the employment process, and everyday casual conversations with others. The present study used consensual qualitative research (CQR) to analyze the narratives of South Asian American participants regarding name-based microaggressions (Hill, Knox, Thompson, Williams, Hess, & Ladany, 2005). The study sheds light on microaggressive events among this racial minority population whose experiences are infrequently studied by psychologists and who are generally underserved by mental health practitioners. The results have implications for the multicultural awareness for counselors working with South Asian American clients, and for psychological awareness about the existence and impact of a little-studied microaggression.

This study explores Indian culture in second-generation Indian American families. For the most part, this generation was not socialized to Indian culture in India, which raises the question, how do parents maintain and teach culture to their third-generation children? To answer this question, I interviewed 18 second-generation Indian American couples who had at least one child. Rather than focus on how assimilated or Americanized the families were, I examine the maintenance of Indian culture. Instead of envisioning culture as a binary between “Indian” and “American,” second-generation parents often experience “Indianness” and “Americanness” as interwoven in ways that were not always easily articulated. I also explore the co-ethnic matrimonial process of my participants to reveal the salience of Indian-American identity in their lives. A common experience among my participants was the tendency of mainstream American non-Indians to question Indian-Americans about India and Indian culture. My participants frequently were called upon to be “cultural ambassadors” to curious non-Indians. Religion served as a primary conduit for teaching Indian culture to third-generation children. Moreover, religion and ethnic identity were often conflated. Mothers and fathers share the responsibility of teaching religion to third-generation children. However, mothers tend to be the cultural keepers of the more visible cultural objects and experiences, such as, food, clothing, and language. Fathers were more likely to contribute to childcare than housework. The fathers in my study believe they father in a different social context than their fathers did. By negotiating Indian and American culture, fathers parent in a way that capitalizes on what they perceive as the “best of both worlds.” Links to the local and transnational community were critical to maintaining ties to other co-ethnics and raising children within the culture. Furthermore, most of the parents in my study said they would prefer that their children eventually marry co-ethnics in order to maintain the link to the Indian-American community. Ultimately, I found that Indian culture endures across first- and second-generation Indian Americans. However, “culture” is not a fixed or monolithic object; families continue to modify traditions to meet their emotional and cultural needs.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Columbus University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This study explores Indian culture in second-generation Indian American families. For the most part, this generation was not socialized to Indian culture in India, which raises the question, how do parents maintain and teach culture to their third-generation children? To answer this question, I interviewed 18 second-generation Indian American couples who had at least one child. Rather than focus on how assimilated or Americanized the families were, I examine the maintenance of Indian culture. Instead of envisioning culture as a binary between “Indian” and “American,” second-generation parents often experience “Indianness” and “Americanness” as interwoven in ways that were not always easily articulated. I also explore the co-ethnic matrimonial process of my participants to reveal the salience of Indian-American identity in their lives. A common experience among my participants was the tendency of mainstream American non- Indians to question Indian-Americans about India and Indian culture. My participants frequently were called upon to be “cultural ambassadors” to curious non-Indians. Religion served as a primary conduit for teaching Indian culture to third-generation children. Moreover, religion and ethnic identity were often conflated. Mothers and fathers share the responsibility of teaching religion to third-generation children. However, mothers tend to be the cultural keepers of the more visible cultural objects and experiences, such as, food, clothing, and language. Fathers were more likely to contribute to childcare than housework. The fathers in my study believe they father in a different social context than their fathers did. By negotiating Indian and American culture, fathers parent in a way that capitalizes on what they perceive as the “best of both worlds.” Links to the local and transnational community were critical to maintaining ties to other co-ethnics and raising children within the culture. Furthermore, most of the parents in my study said they would prefer that their children eventually marry co-ethnics in order to maintain the link to the Indian-American community. Ultimately, I found that Indian culture endures across first- and second-generation Indian Americans. However, “culture” is not a fixed or monolithic object; families continue to modify traditions to meet their emotional and cultural needs.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-240).

Traditional studies of ethnic relations focus on racialization between Whites and Blacks, or ethnic stratification between Whites and people of color. The increasingly integrated world has ensured continued movements of humans and goods and the inevitable contacts between people of different cultural background. This dissertation aims at broadening conventional studies of interethnic relations to examine racial attitudes among people who have internalized more than one culture -- i.e. the biculturals and multiculturals. Social psychological research suggests that bicultural individuals are capable of switching between two cultural meaning frames depending on contextual demands. Bicultural individuals vary in how well they integrate the two cultural identities internalized in them -- i.e., their bicultural identity integration levels (BII levels). Their BII levels lead to either culturally congruent or culturally incongruent behaviors among bicultural individuals. The underlying assumption of linguistic intergroup bias indicates that people tend to describe more abstractly observed positive ingroup behaviors and negative outgroup behaviors and describe more concretely observed negative ingroup behaviors and positive outgroup behaviors. In this study, bicultural Asian American participants are hypothesized to use language of either higher or lower abstraction to describe actions of positive and negative valence performed by either ethnic Asians or European Americans depending on the cultural priming they received and their BII levels. The study results point out the perceived ingroup/outgroup orientation of the bicultural participants towards their coethnics and people of the mainstream culture. Effects of the cultural priming and impact of BII levels are also discussed. / text

Many researchers have suggested that facial expressions are universal. However, others hold a more nuanced view: That despite universal similarities, facial expressions are culture-specific. In the current study, facial expressions of an Asian American and an Asian national were studied using scenes from two television dramas from the United States and Japan. Similarities and differences were found between the facial expressions of the two characters. The existence of similarities supports the basic universality of facial expressions, while differences were found which support the perspective that facial expressions are culture-specific. These differences were primarily in the relationships between the intensity levels of the external expressions and the internal experiences of the two people. The findings indicate that even when people share basic facial features, the ways they express their emotions differ according to the cultures in which they grew up. / Department of Speech Communication

Epidemiological studies have shown that disparities in mental health service utilization still exist among ethnic minority groups in the United States. This study looks specifically at the lay referral system and what factors influence the likelihood of an individual referring a friend to mental health services. Since college student populations have fewer barriers than most to seeking treatment, 60 Asian American and 49 White American college students were sampled for the purposes of this study. They evaluated one of four vignettes in which cultural competency of the potential therapist and type of symptoms being presented were manipulated. Though there was no significant interaction found, implications of the current findings and corrections to the methodology for future research are discussed.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1977. / Bibliography: leaves 168-184. / Microfiche. / vi, 184 leaves

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-145). / Microfiche. / ix, 145 leaves, bound 29 cm