Taking the use of the logos in Ratzinger's Regensburg Lecture as its starting point, the thesis expands three horizons in Ratzinger studies. Firstly, it extends the understanding of Ratzinger as the author of a logos theology. Secondly, it shows how the Regensburg theme of the full breadth of reason, represented by the logos, is applied by Ratzinger in a critique of secular modernity. Thirdly, it claims that the logos theology of Joseph Ratzinger can provide a repair of the culture of human rights. The thesis argues that if human rights are set exclusively within the framework of secular modernity, they fall sick and fail to meet the criterion of inclusivity and universality. Set within the framework of a Ratzingerian logos theology, their power is strengthened and their promise of inclusivity and universality restored. The thesis calls for a mutually reparative dialogue about human rights, based on the full breadth of reason, between the three constituencies of Christianity, the religions and secular modernity. The thesis concludes that the Regensburg Lecture, far from damaging the dialogue with Islam, and with secular modernity, opens up a new intercultural bridge based on a mutually enriching engagement with a logos-based culture of human rights.

Different disciplines have explored the history of Islām in Yoruba land which started in the early 18th century. However, the impact of religious syncretism has not been systematically studied. Therefore, this thesis examines the extent of the involvement of Yoruba Muslims in syncretic beliefs and practices in Nigeria using the Lagos State as a case study, with a view to bringing out the impact of Tawḥīd on them. In agreement with previous research, this study notes that there is a prevalence of religious syncretism among many Yoruba Muslims, but it principally argues that its impact affects many of them negatively. If continuous awareness campaign could be carried out, the phenomenon will be reduced. A triangulated method was used to carry out this study. The findings of this thesis indicated reappraisal of the problem associated with many Yoruba Muslims’ persistence in syncretism and its implications on their faith (īman). While this study appreciates the attempts of some scholars to eradicate this endemic problem, it reveals that Tawḥīd is not yet inculcated into many Yoruba Muslims within the Yoruba religio-cultural context. Therefore, a concerted effort is necessary among all stakeholders in the task of promoting the effective instillation of practical Tawḥīd.

What are the dialectics of the endogenisation of ‘otherness’? This thesis is a study into the interaction between social representations, identities and power in relation to South Asian, Muslim, male youth in Bradford (UK) within the historical context of the ‘Rushdie affair’. The methodology is structured in order to investigate alternative locations of the identity-representation interaction. The studies include participant observation followed by 18 interviews with ‘specialists’, a rhetorical analysis of five television programmes that were aired on national television during and on the Rushdie affair, and an examination of the manner of reception of one of these programmes through 8 focus group discussions. The findings are that ‘otherness’ and difference are central to notions of identity for South Asian Muslim male youth, as they are surrounded by representations of themselves as ‘Muslim’ and ‘Paki’. Their identities take the form of three ideal-types – ‘coconuts’, ‘rude boys’ and ‘extremists’ – which rhetorically engage differentially with the representations. The Rushdie affair is interpreted firstly as a moment of subaltern contestation of its representation through ‘identity politics’ discourse, and secondly, dialogically as both rhetorical positions (hegemonic and subaltern) attempt to psychologically distance themselves from each other – through the construction of the ‘Bradford Muslim’ on the hegemonic side. However, both positions shared techniques of rhetoric, types of discourse, and a common narrative. Furthermore, ‘identity politics’ discourse (for two of the ideal-type identities) acted as the interpretative prism through which the reception of the programme made sense in relation to, for example, the content and manner of reception, the reception of representatives and the call for strategic essentialism. The thesis shows that attempts to escape negative evaluation result in the incorporation of representations, discourses and rhetorical techniques that position identities firmly within the hermeneutics of the hegemonic discourse.

This thesis charts the stakeholder communities, physical environment and daily life of two little studied Qādiriyya Sufi shrines associated with Shaikh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī (1077 – 1165 AD), a 12th century Ḥanbalī Muslim theologian and the posthumous founder of one of the oldest Sufi orders in Islam. The first shrine is based in Baghdad and houses his burial chamber; and the second shrine, on the outskirts of the city of ‘Aqra in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, is that of his son Shaikh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (died 1206 AD). The latter was also known for lecturing in Ḥanbalī theology in the region, and venerated for this as well as his association with Shaikh ʿAbd al-Qādir. Driven by the research question “What shapes the identity orientations of these two Qādiriyya Sufi shrines in modern times?” the findings presented here are the result of field research carried out between November 2009 and February 2014. This field research revealed a complex context in which the two shrines existed and interacted, influenced by both Sufi and non-Sufi stakeholders who identified with and accessed these shrines to satisfy a variety of spiritual and practical needs, which in turn influenced the way each considered and viewed the two shrines from a number of orientations. These overlapping orientations include the Qādirī Sufi entity and the resting place of its patron saint; the orthodox Sunnī mosque with its muftī-imams, who are employed by the Iraqi government; the local Shīʿa community’s neighbourhood saint’s shrine and its destination for spiritual and practical aid; and the local provider of welfare to the poor of the city (soup kitchen, funeral parlour and electricity-generation amongst other services). The research findings also revealed a continuously changing and adapting Qādirī Sufi scene not immune from the national and regional socio-religio-political environments in which the two shrines exist: a non-Sufi national political class vying to influence and manipulate these shrines for their own purposes; and powerful national sectarian factions jostling to do the same. The mixture of stakeholders using and associating with the two shrines were found to be influential shapers of these entities, both physically and spiritually. Through encountering and interacting with each other, most stakeholders contributed to maintaining and rejuvenating the two shrines, but some also sought to adapt and change them driven by their particular orientation’s perspective.

The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.

This study investigated the development and implementation of cooperative learning in two Saudi classrooms seeking the perspectives of teachers and pupils. A review of the literature suggests that efforts to introduce cooperative learning have tended to be initiated in Oceanic, North American or European contexts (Jolliffe and Hutchinson, 2007). Research is less forthcoming in other regions in the world. Research on group work / cooperative learning methods in Arab-speaking nations is in its infancy. The specific purpose of this thesis is to examine the development and implementation of cooperative learning in two Islamic culture classes in one secondary school in Saudi Arabia. In both, the perceptions of teachers and pupils were sought, to gather the opinions of teachers regarding changes to their classroom practice. Two male secondary teachers with 19 and 12 years teaching experience participated in a 10-hour training programme on cooperative learning in the classroom, and then they and their pupils (39 pupils) were tracked over a four-week period to investigate their experiences of this new approach. Individual interviews with teachers took place at four points across the research period: before and after the training programme, in the middle of the implementation stage and at the end of the project. Focus group interviews with pupils also took place before, in the middle and after the implementation stage. In addition, field note observations of approximately 40 lessons were made and short segments of some lessons were videoed. Teachers kept an audio reflective log to record their experiences. Results indicated that both teachers initially had very limited knowledge of cooperative learning. The findings indicated that teachers were very supportive of the training they received. Pupils and teachers described a number of benefits of cooperative learning and the opportunity to experience a broader range of educational outcomes. Teachers described and demonstrated a number of aspects of their practice that illustrated a shift to a more pupil-centred classroom, with their role becoming more of a facilitator of learning. Pupils highlighted their enjoyment and new-found freedom and opportunity to take greater ownership of and responsibility for their and others' learning. The research provides further contributions to the literature on cooperative learning in general and specifically about its use in Saudi Arabia. The study reveals the need for wider consideration and development of cooperative learning in both pre-service and in-service programmes in Saudi Arabia and the implications for a number of stakeholders to realise the aims presented.

Iran has been in the headlines in the recent years and decades for many socio-political reasons. Many of these involve the confrontation between Islamic revolutionary values and the foreign policies and aspirations of Western governments. Among the Iranian state’s revolutionary values there are no articulated aspirations to isolate the country from the outside world but progress and globalisation are defined within Islamic, revolutionary and nationalistic discourses and therefore the status of English as a foreign language in Iran has been controversial and questionable. Of course the English language is in demand in Iran and it is associated with globalization and progress. However, in the dominant official discourses it is often considered a threat because it incorporates Western values, allows access to these values, and could thus be deemed harmful to local cultures and identities. The two paradoxical perspectives on the English language in Iran are among the main reasons for tension and difference between top-down official policies and the bottom-up grass-roots English language learning practices of contemporary Iranian society. The state prescribes mainstream English language teaching (ELT) provision from the age of twelve, but parents who can afford private sector ELT provision encourage their children to learn English outside the limited mainstream education system. Restricted and limited mainstream ELT could therefore be seen as the English language learned by the masses, but private sector ELT remains for the privileged few. The aim of this thesis is to make a contribution to studies of language policy and planning in general and to an understanding of language policies and practices in Islamic states in particular, with a special emphasis on Iran. In principle, language policy as a sub-discipline of sociolinguistics can be studied in all communities and nation-states, including Iran, but at the same time one of the main aspirations of the thesis is the introduction of this critical field of research to a context to which it has not previously been applied.

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The main purpose of this thesis is to critically analyse the convergence of political Islam and neoliberalism in Turkey. By doing so, the research aims to construct a Gramscian historical materialist account as opposed to the mainstream centre-periphery relations approach. The mainstream centre-periphery relations approach takes the state and civil society as antagonistic autonomous entities. This consideration brings us where the Turkish politics are perceived as a terrain of conflict between Islamists and secularists. The centre-periphery relations approach has four shortcomings. First, the state and society are considered separately. Second, the market and the state; and the economy and the politics are considered separately. Third, as considered separately, the theory takes civil society as automatically progressive. Fourth, the social relations of productions are neglected. This thesis argues that the Islamists versus secularists dichotomy is not sufficient enough to explain the complexity of contradictions in Turkish politics because of the given four shortcomings. Therefore, a more complex theory where the antagonism is considered within the class struggle is needed. Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, passive revolution and most importantly the integral state provides a new window in this respect. The Gramscian historical materialism offers a holistic understanding for the relationship between the state and society, the market and the state, and the economy and the political. As part of the hegemonic struggle, civil society can be on either side of the struggle therefore it is not considered as automatically progressive in Gramscian historical materialism. As a historical materialist approach, Gramscianism considers the social relations of production as the crucial element of the analysis. The pre-2002 periods (before the Justice and Development Party came into power) were already researched by Gramscian scholars. Therefore, the neoliberal restructuring in Turkey during the Justice and Development Party era is the focal period of this thesis. There will be a specific focus on the cases of urbanisation, education, and the mass media. The conceptual framework of state-society relations is the analytical basis of this study. Overall, this thesis offers an alternative reading of the rise of political Islam in Turkey.

During the 9th lunar month of each year around 1 billion Muslims adhere to the religious 4- week festival of Ramadan, which is considered as a time for empathy for those less fortunate, a time for restraint, and goodwill. The main focus of the religious intervention of Ramadan is the intermittent fast whereby, each day between dawn and sunset nutritional abstinence is practiced. Empirical evidence from experienced soccer coaches in Qatar has indicated that the 4-week intermittent fast during Ramadan impedes the quality and quantity of training, as well as match play. However, there has been lack of attention directed to the consequences associated with Ramadan and football (soccer) players. Greater understanding of the consequences of Islamic soccer players adhering to lifestyle changes and intermittent fasting would facilitate soccer coaches in a systematic approach to addressing potential negative performance effects associated with Ramadan in future soccer-seasons. In order to address the research problem, a soccer-specific battery of tests was required; as there is no established gold standard battery of soccer-specific field tests preliminary technical and methodological studies were required. In Study-1 a soccer-specific anaerobic capacity field test (Liverpool Anaerobic Speed Test or LAST) was piloted for validity, reliability, and practicality since, the choice for suitable soccer-specific anaerobic capacity tests were inadequate. It was found that two familiarisation sessions are necessary to reduce systematic bias markedly and habituate players with procedures of the LAST. The total measurement error (ratio of Limits of Agreement) of the LAST was 2.5% (± 18 m), and peak blood lactate values produced were 17.6 mmol.l⁻¹, which were greater than the 14.7 mmol.l⁻¹ criteria set for maximal anaerobic effort before the pilot study. The test set-up and administration proved to be practical, facilitating large numbers of subjects to be evaluated relatively quickly ( < 20 min). Therefore, the LAST was included in the soccer-specific battery of field tests, which then provided a comprehensive analysis of the separate components soccer performance. The available facility to conduct this investigation was the soccer-field at Al-Ahli Sports Club Doha, Qatar and therefore, further methodological investigations were necessary; temperatures within Qatar can vary during different times of the season, and at times are quite severe with respect to heat and humidity. The purpose of Study-2 was to examine how robust the discrete soccer-specific field tests were which, would be used during the intervention of Ramadan, using a repeated measures counter-balanced design of indoor and outdoor conditions. It was found that during the Yo-Yo Intermittent Recovery Test (YYIRT) (Krustrup et al., 2003) outdoor assessment maximal performance was reduced by 19% in contrast to the YYIRT conducted indoors, despite the subjects attaining similar maximal heart rates. Consequently, the YYIRT to volitional exhaustion was excluded from the battery of tests to be used during the intervention of Ramadan; all other soccer-specific field tests were found to be robust for use in the heat. The aim of Study-3 was a qualitative investigation to observe current soccer-practice and related factors surrounding training; this brief included bedtime, wake-up time, sleep duration, environmental conditions, pre-training dehydration, body fluids lost during training, body-core temperature, and relative training intensity. During Ramadan it was found that bedtime and wake-up time were significantly delayed and sleep duration lengthened compared to normal. Post-Ramadan was found to be akin to eastward time travel with advancement in bedtime, wake-up and return to normal sleep duration. Dehydration was significantly greater pre-training during Ramadan in comparison to non- Ramadan training weeks, and body fluid loss during training in both Ramadan and non- Ramadan periods was considerable. Relative training workload was also quantified during this time and highlighted important practical problems.