Univ., Diss.--Salzburg, 2007.

Stuttgart, Univ., Diss., 2001.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität Basel, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 172-178) and index.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Waterloo, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-211).

Women's empowerment is a current and crucial issue of our time. There is increasing recognition that the economic empowerment of women is essential both to realize women’s rights, and toachieve broader development goals such as economic growth, poverty reduction, health,education and welfare. This qualitative study explores women's empowerment through skills education and employment in Bali, Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to investigate the respondents experience of changes in their everyday life conditions, with particular focus on economic empowerment, with reference to other spheres of the women's empowerment. The aim is to provide knowledge that may be valuable for the work with vocational education and training for women's empowerment in the future. The study relied on semi structured interviews with Indonesian women exploring individual experiences in their everyday local context. Empowerment is a complex topic with an irreducible subjective element. The results showed empowerment at the individual level and as the research highlighted changes in different areas oftheir life was it proved difficult to grasp the extent of this change. In general, the participants experiences somewhat differed, depending on internal and external factors as well as context, describing varied changes in their life conditions. However, all the women explain the outcomeas more or less successful in different spheres of their lives. The study also stresses the need for further research, suggesting exploration in the field with supportive quantitative evidence and longitudinal study.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / The problem that this Research Paper is aiming to examine is whether the Bali Agreement has successfully impacted on the consensus pitfalls and the Doha Round stalemate as shown in the background to the study. / National Bursary and Grants Agency (ANBG)

During the 1990s, most African countries experienced what has been termed their ‘second independence’ (cf. Bratton and Hyden 1992), a period of political upheaval and transformation leading to the introduction of democratic rule. In many countries including South Africa and Cameroon, the process triggered fresh debates about the status and role of chiefs. The popular assumption in ‘struggle circles’ such as the African National Congress (ANC) was that chiefs would be relegated to the background in the democratic era, thus giving room to people’s power and new forms of accountability. But the reality was that the introduction of democracy created a situation whereby many rural people felt excluded economically from the boundless promises of the new dispensation. This dissatisfaction among rural people brought into question the legitimacy of some structures such as the local government even though the ruling ANC continued to enjoy much support among the masses. This in turn provided an enabling environment in which some, but not all, chiefs could make new claims for legitimacy. This is because some chiefs remain discredited by their past association with apartheid authorities. Chief Tshivhase is one of the few chiefs who has successfully associated himself with the ANC both at the national and provincial levels. This has given him space to act decisively in certain ways on behalf of the poor at the local level, thereby winning credibility among rural people. Thus, his credibility is two-fold – with the national politicians, because he is one of them, and with the people of the chiefdom. Chief Tshivhase’s ability to renegotiate his status and gain new legitimacy as chief is a particular example of how the game of neo-liberal democracy is played out in post-apartheid South Africa. In the chiefdom of Bali Nyonga in Cameroon, Chief Ganyonga’s career looks rather similar to Tshivhase’s in so far as he too has risen to national prominence in the ruling party in Cameroon, the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in the era of democracy. But Cameroon’s democratic transition was contradictory in the sense that it introduced the form of democracy but not its substance, leaving the ruling party the ability to manipulate and suppress the opposition and civil society. It was against this background that Ganyonga’s prominence in the CPDM contributed to undermining his legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects because they believed that his prominence in the party left them without any shield from the predation and manipulation of the state. Ganyonga was seen to be in ‘illicit cohabitation’ with a self-serving ruling party, at a time when his subjects wanted to use their newfound rights as citizens to vote the opposition into office. But Ganyonga’s involvement in the politics of the so-called ‘Anglophone problem’ helped to legitimise his participation in modern politics as a chief. Against this background, this thesis examines why both chiefs used their positions as a springboard into national politics? It also establishes the kinds of legitimacy claimed by these chiefs and to what extent the masses are persuaded by such claims and how the chiefs’ involvement in national politics has affected the relationship between them and their subjects. This thesis therefore makes a case for the importance of comparative research on chiefs in the era of democracy and the predicaments they face therein. The thesis argues that contrary to exhortations about the incompatibility of chiefs and democracy, the reality is that political transition in both countries produced contradictions which created space for chiefs to fill but on condition that they were able to draw from different kinds of legitimacy and had not been discredited by their past or present involvement with the postcolonial state. / Dissertation (MA (Social Science))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Anthropology and Archaeology / unrestricted

No description available.

Covering the issue of climate change is not always talking about what we as humans can do to save the planet. For many people in the Global South, it is about climate injustice – how the marginalized become the most affected people by climate crisis, yet they contribute to so much less emission compared to the people in the North / Western countries. Adding the concept of Anthropocene to that shows a larger problem of inequality. Applying postcolonialism perspective towards environmental issue means questioning the idea that the knowledge that Western countries produced are the absolute truth. This thesis builds on case studies of organizations in Jakarta and Bali and their grassroot approach, from experience and challenges to be in their line of work, to listen to the voice of the practitioners as it shapes the field of communication for development and social change. Postcolonial critique concepts from McEwan (2018) are used to analyze the practices of environmental communication towards their target and the public, but also to highlight structural and external challenges that they may face in doing their work. Result of the interviews identified the notions of 1) Indonesian postcolonial identity, 2) Neoliberalism tendency, 3) Power relations, 4) Knowledge produced in the ‘West’, and 5) Non-inclusive development practices / Representation issue. This thesis highlights several identified challenges, from how certain local and cultural practices are sometimes overlooked within sustainable development practices, how foreign concepts and the use of English poses problems within the communication process, international project-based development approach presented problems for the local environmental organization, and how the slogan ‘Think Globally, Act Locally’ that are popular within environmental discourses should be rethought to shift the paradigm that global environmental issues are not as global as certain people might think.

The main purpose of this study is to investigate how individuals engaged in social work with socially vulnerable women in Bali perceive their room for action. Our participants' clients are widows, divorced women, unmarried women, or women with children born out of wedlock. In our thesis, we refer to these women as jandas. In an environment influenced by cultural and patriarchal norms, we explore in this essay how they perceive their professional roles in terms of roomfor action, challenges, motivational drivers, and approaches to promoting empowerment. Our aim is to enrich the understanding of the diverse spectrum within which our participants operate. This inquiry aims to uncover the motivating factors influencing our interview subjects, to discern the hurdles they encounter concerning agency in the context of Bali, and to illuminate their strategies for facilitating empowerment. Employing a qualitative methodology, the research has been conducted through semi-structured interviews involving six seasoned respondents with extensive experience in the field of social work in Bali. Drawing upon prior scholarship concerning Bali's cultural and historical milieu, coupled with theoretical frameworks of socio-legal paradigms and empowerment, we have meticulously analyzed the collected data. The findings from the study reveal that religious and spiritual awakenings significantly underpin the dedication of our participants. Furthermore, it emerges that informal norms rooted in religious customs and patriarchal traditions often wield more influence than formal legal statutes, thereby intricately complicating the landscape of social work. Additionally, the study underscores the prominence of varied approaches to empowerment, which our respondents identify as the most effective means of providing support in the Bali context.