Thesis--Wisconsin. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 271-273).

A revision of the author's thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1966. / Bibliography: p. #

A revision of the author's thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1966. / Bibliography: p. #

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

The purpose of this thesis is to establish the part played by tone in the facts and operations of the language. This is achieved by analysing the observed speech-tones. In connected speech several tone-levels are used, but frequently the difference between two of these proves not to be significant. An initial investigation leads to a hypothesis of two essential tones. Prom the behaviour of certain tone-pat terns two distinct kinds of high-tones have to be recognized. The essential tones of basic nominals are discovered by observing their tone-patterns in given contexts. In this way there is established the existence of a single alternance of tone on each lexical syllable, and the absence of any tonal alternance on prefix syllables. Variations occur in the tones of some nominals according to their context, but frequently the tone-patterns are invariable. The tonal behaviour of compound nominals is related to the form as well as to the tones of their components. Where one nominal is based on another there is a close relationship between their tone-patterns. Verbals and nomino-verbals have a tonal behaviour different from that of nominals, but their syllables also display either a single tonal alternance or none at all. Several cases occur where the meaning of a verbal can be determined only when its tones are known. Although tone is not an important factor in indicating syntactical junctions, it often characterizes such Junctions. Interrogative speech is indicated by the use of different intervals between the tone-levels rather than by the use of special tone-patterns. Whether considered lexically, morphologically or syntactically the tones are an integral part of the language which can neither be adequatly analysed her accurately used unless they are taken into account.

Thesis (M.A.)--Columbia International University, Deutscher Zweig, Korntal, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-122).

Thesis (M.A.)--Columbia International University, 1999. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-122).

Magister Artium - MA / The rich corpus of postcolonial scholarly engagement on indigenous intermediaries, interpreters, clerks and assistants has a made a strong argument for the active participation of African agents in social scientific knowledge production on Africa. This literature has highlighted the complex and negotiated nature of fieldwork in African anthropology. While this literature has begun to deepen our understanding of the knowledge work of anthropologists and their research assistants, it has not adequately explored the relationship between anthropologists and informants in what one scholar has recently called ‘a triangulation of relationships’ between the anthropologist, the assistant and the informant. This research project proposes to explore these relationships in a detailed case study: that of the British anthropologist Godfrey Wilson (1908–1944), his interpreter Zachariah Mawere, and three primary informants, during three years of pioneering research into the effects of migrant labour at Broken Hill, Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) between 1938 and 1941. Using a close textual reading and detailed analysis of Wilsons Bemba and English fieldnotes held in the Godfrey and Monica Wilson collection at the University of Cape Town’s African Studies Library, the study will apply a micro-historical and biographical approach. It will seek to reconstruct the biographies and anthropological contributions of one interpreter and three central Bemba informants in order to explore the micro-politics of knowledge production in African anthropology.

The proverbs of people - defined by Webster as short sayings "in common use expressing a well-known truth or common fact ascertained by experience or observation" - have been an object of study to many kinds of people for many decades. Robert R. Marett has said that proverbs are a key to both the language and culture of a people. But, knowledge of the language and culture of a people, in itself, cannot be satisfying to the discerning anthropologist. An effort must be made to identify and understand the categories of thought, codes and symbols that undergird their language and culture. The anthropologist cannot be satisfied to simply view their world; he must also discover the ways they view their world. He must discover their world view. Marett rightfully acknowledged that proverbs are a useful key for learning language and culture. It is the contention of this paper, however, that they are, likewise, excellent tools for world view studies. A unique opportunity arose to prove this thesis when a combination of factors presented the researcher with considerable data. First, he had learned the languages of the Shona and Bemba peoples of Southern Africa. Second, he had collected and studied the use of the proverbs of these people for twelve years. Third, others had collected and published the proverbs in different forms. The paper, then, is a presentation of the results of hours of study of 1,556 Shona proverbs, and 1,286 Bemba proverbs, plus contextual data collected from ethnographies, dictionaries, and personal observations. The theoretical framework of the paper is, of necessity, carefully presented. Necessary, because neither world view nor proverbs are well understood in the social sciences. Michael Kearney, one of the prime resources for information on world view, says that it is not a “well-established field of study in the sense that it appears in course catalogs, or that there are recognized schools of world view theory or many scholars specializing in it”. Carolyn Parker, one of the main sources of study for proverbs, says the same thing for this subject. According to her, although there has been a long history of the study of proverbs, much of that study has been characterized by shallowness, superficiality and casualness. Benefiting considerably from the contributions of these two, and others as well, the theoretical framework of this paper rises out of an anthropology characterized by the related disciplines of the cultural patterning of the 1950s with its emphasis on psychology and philosophy, the ethno-science and symbolic anthropology of the 1960s with their emphases upon linguistics and philosophy respectively. Methodologies centered around the extraction from the proverbs of all references to people and their relationships. Lists of this data were compiled and analyzed with the objective of comparing the two groups in question. Special attention was given to three categories: Self, Other' and Relationship. The data extracted was analyzed statistically by use of a chi-square test. Primary analysis, however, depended upon the content of the proverbs themselves. Problems of translation, classification, comparison and statistics were given careful consideration in the analysis. Several observations on both world views and proverbs were the result of methodologies carried out within the theoretical framework described. More than fifty dimensions of the world views of the Bemba and the Shona were brought to the reader’s attention. These dimensions point to similarities as well as distinctives between the two groups. They reinforced observations made according to other methodologies and they also revealed new possibilities for future research. Observations on the proverbs concerned the practicality of using them for the purpose of world view studies. This practicality was obvious, though it has its limitations which must be acknowledged. Application of this methodology in the social sciences may contribute to a greater understanding of people from diverse cultures.

Because many Bemba Christians do not experience the guality of life through would follow conversion they are tempted to either settle for shallow, superficial religious'experience, or, during times of crisis, revert to traditional religious beliefs and practices they know are inconsistent with their theological understanding. In order to assist Christian communicators in their task of bringing the Bemba to authentic conversion and an experience of salvation that genuinely meets their needs, we have, in this study, tendered one strategy for reaching the Bemba heart. most comprehensive idea of order. Because the heart, or worldview, is where reality is known, vaiued · and ordered, it should be the focus of Christian communication that has as its purpose restoring people to comprehensive well-being, or restoration of peace with God, others, one's self and nature. To this end, we have gathered 2,686 Bemba proverbs. from approximately fifteen previously seven Bemba informants, provided conte:-..tually deterrt"$1ed translati_ons, meanings, usages and teachings, inter alia, and have attempted, by means of employing Hiebert's critical conte:-..tualisation method ( 1985: 188), to begin constructing a contextualised local theology of marriage which is the result of engaging in a dialogue between Bemba traditional values as expressed in their proverbial lore and related biblical values. The process of contextualisation is incomplete because it is our contention that it is the responsibility local Bemba theologians, not of foreign researchers, to construct a theology of marriage that is relevant t local Bemba needs. Thus, this study does not attempt to provide theological answers to marital needs; rather, it is offered to Christian communicators for exploratory use as a beach-head for constructing a bridge across which both Bemba and biblical worldview values might be mutually enriched. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)