M.A. (Clinical Psychology) / This study explores the Western ideal of the thin body as experienced by Black female students. This research was motivated by the limited number of empirical studies that employ a qualitative method to investigate Black South African females’ perception of the thin ideal, or what they perceive an ideal body to be. Three Black female students were recruited from the University of Johannesburg’s campus, to participate in the interviews. On campus, interaction is encouraged through an initiation process where everyone is invited to take part, and where diversity is celebrated. This setting was appropriate because the students found themselves in a socio-cultural flux between traditional values and values instilled by modern western society. Data collection and the analysis were guided by a phenomenological research design, namely, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) because it explores the participants’ experience of the Western thin ideal from their perspective, and acknowledges the researcher’s enmeshed interpretation of the participants’ worldview. The study resulted in the identification of four master themes: 1) Physical presentation, 2) The environments influence on my body image, 3) Sense of worth, and 4) Admiration versus animosity, which were discussed in relation to relevant literature. In the concluding chapter, the key strengths and limitations of this study are reviewed, and the implications of the findings for further investigation are discussed...

M.Ed. (Educational Psychology) / Motivated teachers are essential for effe~~ive teaching to take place. As a result of trauma experienced by the black teacher, especially after 1976, when their authority was. undermined and the slogan "Liberation before education" was the theme of the day, teachers were unmotivated to teach. Furthermore the existing forms used to "inspect" the teachers were unacceptable for the ANC government and teachers. The researcher, out of his experience as subject advisor, identified and addressed the shortcomings in the existing evaluation practices by developing a motivation strategy where a motivation form is used. In this way a learning culture could again be established in the schools. As a grounding for above mentioned strategy a literature study was done on motivation, the motivation theories as well as ways in which adults are motivated. Goal setting, what it entials, existing theories as well as the errors made when setting goals, were also researched by means of literature studies. A motivation form is developed in this research, in which the purpose, development and structuring of the form is discussed. Finally research is undertaken to determine the didactic principles relevant to this study were researched to determine what the purpose and value of each principle were, and how these could simultaneously contribute towards the mastering of the work by the pupils.

M.A. (Psychology) / One of the most perturbing facets of South Africa's post apartheid communal existence is the high incidence of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) amongst the disadvantaged communities. It is noteworthy that the incidence of PTSD amongst urbanised black youth is so high, that it can be described as an epidemic. Since therapeutic resources are limited or absent in many environments , it is essential to develop a project to cater for the needs of traumatised communities. Such programs should be cost effective and must relate to education within a psychological context. Following a diligent study of the literature, it was decided that a theoretical behavioural project be developed which utilises a psycho educational context that can be applied to black youth with PTSD.

M. Ed. / In South Africa many people have been directly or indirectly involved in criminal and/or violent acts either as victims or as perpetrators. Research has shown that violence in its various forms, be it political, criminal or domestic, is endemic in South Africa (Stravou, 1993; Turton, Straker & Moosa, 1992). According to Gibson, Mogale and Friedler (1991:1), political violence, especially in South African townships, has been enacted between the ANC and Inkatha and this violence is regarded as an extension of the years of a violent state of repression. As violence escalates it has become impossible to make a distinction between political and criminal violence. Rauch (1993:11), who points out that "it should also be borne in mind that ordinary criminal violence is not always distinguishable from political violence", supports this statement. Stravou (1993:3) echoes this in his observation that ordinary criminal violence can be caused by political factors, alcohol abuse, poverty, unemployment and dangerous living conditions. As both criminal and political violence increase in the townships, domestic and criminal acts against women and children in South Africa are rated the highest in the world (TV News, 13 May 1999). This is an indication that violence has not only destroyed individual lives, but also affected communities, children and family institutions. This notion is emphasized by Klaaste (no date, cited by Phetla 1998:31), when he stated that "The violence in this country, particularly in the townships, has destroyed more than just property and structures, it has destroyed the emotional institutions, the very substance of family life and society. In the past, there was always a very strong understanding of hierarchy, of who was who in the family". However, today the anchors have been destroyed, and there is nothing to hold many families together. This is a cause for concern, because families are the fabric of communities and societies. As families are affected, children who are the future generation of society, are also continually exposed to this violence. Children become victims because of their vulnerability and exposure to insecure and unstable environments in which they live. Many schools, which these children attend, were historically regarded as stabilizing influences on the social environment, providing necessary support and guidance for them have now turned into war zones. Young learners have to contend with guns and knives on a daily basis, an indication of how endemic the violence is in the learning environment. The Star (Thursday, May 12 1999) reported that a school principal was shot dead and her car taken in front of her learners. TV news (13 June 1999) reported that "another teacher has been brutally murdered in front of her grade one class by unknown gunmen". This situation occurs within the environment where children live, and appears to have serious repercussions later in their lives. Exposure to and involvement in escalating violence, both in their homes and neighbourhood, can lead to post traumatic stress syndrome in children (Kerr & Nelson, 1998:268). This includes nightmares, irritability and other forms of behavior problems like aggression. Stravou (1993:3) is of the opinion that witnessing a violent act, affect children in general more severely than adults. It can also be argued that violence and political instability will affect children's development adversely. In South Africa where 70% of the population is under the age of 18 years, the implications are devastating (Byne, 1993:3), especially in the townships. Katlehong, a township in the Eastern part of Gauteng, experienced tremendous violence during the years 1985-1995, because of the faction fights between two political parties, the African National Congress and the Inkatha Freedom party. Many people were killed, tortured, abducted and subjected to various forms of severe ill treatment. Reports like these are all too common in South African Black Townships, mixed in with miscellaneous reports of general community and domestic violence. Although among the people of Katlehong violence seems to be largely a thing of the past, its trauma remains and the children still bear the marks. Young people have become socialized to violence as a way of solving conflict. This attitude was indicated in a personal interview, which I conducted with teachers at the Kabelo Primary School prior to my study. In the interview one teacher had indicated that, "Most of our children are experiencing behaviour problems like aggression, and others experience difficulties in paying attention and concentrating in the classroom". This type of behaviour is regarded as the after effect of violence. As a result of the increase in violence, it has become clear that there is a vast need for psychological counseling for South African children who live in places like Katlehong, which have been constantly involved in acts of violence. Dawes (1994:6) supported the need for this service when he pointed out that "the need for psychological healing is overwhelming but, most unfortunately, for these children there are not enough psychological services to help alleviate these problems". It is not only the non-availability of these services that prevents children from accessing psychological interventions, but also a lack of knowledge about psychological difficulties and counseling among parents. Owing to this lack of knowledge, also with regard to possible interventions, society in the past tended to take a punitive rather than a rehabilitative, attitude towards an antisocial, aggressive youth (Carson & Butcher, 1992:545). In the townships, a punitive attitude was often to apply physical punishment in the form of corporal punishment; this, however, is seen as humiliating and antagonizing for children (Davis, 1996:291). In addition, corporal punishment has also shown to intensify rather than to correct aggressive behaviour, as reported by Omani (1982 cited by Mwamwenda, 1992:318) who argues that beating young children should be seen as an act of aggression that does not teach children conflict resolution. A study that supports this statement was carried out by Potegal and Knutson (1994:183), who reported in their finding that children who were struck after a simple tantrum had significantly higher frequencies of tantruming. Therefore, corporal punishment is regarded as an authoritarian and conservative way of disciplining children, that does not improve their abilities to deal with conflict nor deepen their understanding to their own emotional and social functioning. These results indicate that some variables that had been used in the past to deal with aggressive children can cause children to manifest antisocial behaviour like aggression (Farrington, 1992:260). From the researcher's experience, township parents often discipline their children by scolding them and they do not often encourage them, especially boys, to express their feelings freely. Scolding is regarded by Davis (1996:289) as verbal aggression, and is defined by Vissing, Straus, Eilees and Harrop (1991:224) as a communication intended to cause psychological pain. Its effects are low self-esteem, anger, anxiety, depression, academic underachievement and lying (Davis, 1996:289). Suppression of feelings among African children is indicated by Mandela's statement in his book "Long Walk to Freedom". When he recalled various aspects of his circumcision, he said that "flinching or crying out was a sign of weakness and stigmatized one's manhood; man must suffer in silence" (Mandela, 1995:12). According to Oaklander (1992:207) if a child is unable to express his feelings, he bottles them up, and becomes angry. In order for him to express his anger and his thwarted self, Oaklander (1990:208) adds that the child pushes on to "become something beyond his awareness, he can retroflect the anger by having headaches and stomach aches, or deflect the true feelings by hitting, kicking and striking out". Such a child is mostly regarded as aggressive, and according to Bierman (1989:36) children like this, who acquired non-compliant and violent behaviour patterns at home are at high risk for reacting aggressively towards their teachers and peers as an outward expression of emotional turmoil. Stravou (1993:11) is of the opinion that children learn to believe that aggressive attitudes and violent behaviour are normal and acceptable, in an environment where violence is viewed as an acceptable way to get and to maintain power and solve problems.

M.A. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

M.Ed. (Educational Management) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

D.Litt. et Phil. (Psychology) / Assertiveness, a specific social skill is traced back to its roots in Salter's 1949 Pavlovian model. The impression is gained that the growing interest in assertiveness may be a reaction to the post-Sputnik era of increasing violence and acts of terrorism. In South Africa assertiveness training has particular relevance, as a state of emergency was -declared by the State President in the middle of 1985. It is fitting that assertiveness training be done with black adolescents as in the African communities there is concern about the estrangement of parents and their children which has contributed to the school unrest that has had such wide repercussions. An empirical study of 32 matched pairs of black South African pupils in their 11th year of schooling was undertaken in 1985 following a pilot study in 1984. The experimental groups were given assertiveness training while the control groups were engaged in other activities. The hypotheses examined were that if aggressive and submissive South African black adolescents were exposed to assertiveness training their levels of aggression and submission would be reduced, assertiveness would be increased, anxiety would be reduced and self-esteem enhanced. Evidence is adduced to indicate partial support for the hypotheses and this is discussed.

Any enquiry follows some incident which has prompted the question that leads to the enquiry. This study was prompted by a review of the 1974 first year examination results at the University of Fort Hare. The average percentage pass rate for that year was 59.3%. The cynic may remark that this is no different to the first year pass rate at white South African universities (cf. Erens and Louw, 1978), but when it is realised that students entering Fort Hare, or any other black university for that matter, are a highly select group, these figures have more Impact. The consequences of failure in terms of the wastage of human potential are immense (cf. Auerbach, 1977) but are more critical when this occurs, as It does, "... in a society which is competitive rather than co-operative, where people are for ever being classified according to what they have rather than that they can contribute and where competition plus classification inevitably breeds fears." Bligh (1978). A review of the first year examination results for the five years from 1971 revealed an average pass rate of 55.5% and for 1976, 1977 and 1978 a marked decline to 39.32%. For the earlier period, Downing (1977) found that 19.69% of students completed their degree courses In the minimum number of years. For the latter period (1976 to 1978) this has dropped to 16.3%, which, with the figure for the earlier period, suggests that whilst the failure rate may be highest at the end of the first year, in subsequent years it is also high. In this respect Fort Hare differs from white universities where about 75% of students complete their degrees in minimum time (cf. Erens and Louw, 1978)

This project is interested in investigating the construction of the fraternal sibling relationshipwithin the South African context from a narrative perspective. In particular, this study is interested in the ways in which middle aged isiXhosa men narrate experiences of brothering and how social class, as one particular context, mediates these narratives. This project is particularly interested in brothering within the isiXhosa culture and is concerned with both middle class and working class men within this cultural context. The project takes as its particular focus the meaning of brothering, and specifically how masculinity, intimacy and money or class influence the brothering practices constructed by the men in the sample. The project employs a social constructionist perspective, using a thematic narrative analysis to analyse the data. This project uses secondary analysis of data, as the data was collected for the primary use by Jackson (2009), Peirce (2009), Saville Young (Saville Young & Jackson, 2011) and Stonier (2010). The analysis reflects emergent themes of the importance of fraternal sacrifice, care-taking and sibling responsibility, honouring the family, and challenge to traditional masculinity. These themes emerged within the prior themes of masculinity, intimacy and class within brothering. The men spoke of keeping the family prosperous and united as an important duty in their brothering role. Affection was expressed more practically and symbolically, and closeness constructed through shared experiences, proximity and similarities. My findings reflect that family expectations, culture and social context had key influences on brothering, based on the men's narratives. Findings are discussed in relation to literature on brothering, masculinity and intimacy, and the influence of money in close relationships.

This work encompasses an inquiry into the role of the entrepreneur in economic development, and a report of interviews with eighty African businessmen in the Transkei, Ciskei and some urban locations. South Africa provides a particularly interesting field for the study of African enterprise insofar as it is possible to examine the evolution of entrepreneurship in two fundamentally different environments - namely rural reserves and large urban areas. Furthermore, there has been a substantial increase in the number of African entrepreneurs during this century. The study achieves added significance in view of the wide racial income differentials which are an endemic feature of South African socio-economic existence; moreover, there is a great deal of evidence to suggest that, despite the high real growth rates during recent years, the racial income gap is widening. A corollary to this is the worsening of the relative - though not necessarily the absolute - economic position of the Black population. Hence : "the fundamental question for South Africa's economic future revolves around the income relationship between the Whites and the African segment of the non- White group." At present a great deal of pressure is being exerted on White employers to adopt more racially equitable systems of remuneration, and on the Government to relax the industrial colour bar. Although such measures would probably have a positive influence in preventing the gap from widening still further, there is reason to believe that their effectiveness would be limited. The justifications for this assertion are twofold: a) As Allister Sparks has pointed out, "as long as (Blacks) are limited to being hirelings of (Whites), their progress will necessarily remain stunted. Because of race prejudice they will not be promoted as readily as Whites of equal ability. There will not be Black managers and company directors. They will be held down by a vicious circle of disadvantages: prejudice will deprive them of promotion, which will deprive them of experience, which will provide the pretext for not promoting them. b) There is much convincing evidence to show that property ownership rather than wages is the basic factor determining income distribution. Information indicative of the extreme racial inequality of property ownership in South Africa is given by Spandau, who has shown that in 1960 'other income' (i. e. rent, interest and profits) formed 119% of work income of Whites, and only 19% of the work income of Africans. 2 In the absence of cataclysmic social change, the development of African entrepreneurial talent emerges as a possible means of escaping from this apparent impasse. This does not of course imply that even a fairly large increase in the number of African entrepreneurs would automatically result in raising the living standards of a substantial portion of the Black population. Nevertheless, it would represent a positive move towards redressing the inequalities in property ownership and facilitate the acquisition of organizational skills, which in turn implies a better utilization of human resources than exists at present.