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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-62).

With the recent rise in interest in critical readings of our history, scholars have begun noticing that historical documents such as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle may have functioned as propaganda (e.g., Yorke, 2006; Konshuh, 2020). The present study examines how Britons (i.e., Brythonic-Celtic-speaking people) are discursively represented in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The aim of the study is twofold. First, drawing upon theories from Role and Reference Grammar (RRG, e.g., Van Valin, 1993), this study applies the notion of thematic roles to investigate what roles Britons may take as arguments in the Chronicle. Secondly, the study takes a socio-cognitive approach to discourse (e.g., van Dijk, 2017), conceptualizing arguments and the roles they take as corresponding to the Anglo-Saxons’ shared mental representations of the referents. The results show Britons are construed mainly as passive, often taking the roles of Theme or Patient as they are fought, slain and put to flight. When taking an Agent role, Britons are mostly performing actions related to fear caused by the Anglo-Saxons.  Based on this, it was concluded that the Britons are construed as a cowardly and rather anonymous group, whom the Anglo-Saxons have all the right to eradicate. The portrayal of Britons in the Chronicle furthermore resembles portrayals of other colonized peoples, and it appears that strategies observed in orientalist discourses may have parallels in medieval English discourses.  Moreover, the results provide linguistic empirical evidence for what previous research in history has indicated: that the Anglo-Saxons used opposing groups as part of their narrative in which they were the rightful rulers of Britain (Yorke, 2006; Konshuh, 2020).

This thesis reports an investigation of Iron Age diet in Britain using carbon and nitrogen stable isotope data obtained from skeletal material from four locations across England and southern Scotland. Both human and animal bone Collagen has been analysed from Wetwang in East Yorkshire and other sites in East Lothian, Hampshire and Cornwall. Animal bone from Dorset has also been included. The aims of the study were to characterize British Iron Age diet in general isotopic terms and also to provide a contextual base for future analysis which allows an understanding of both inter- and intra-site variation in such data for this and other periods. The comparisons across the locations allowed consideration of geographical variability within England and southern Scotland and included material from coastal sites (Cornwall and East Lothian), from sites with easy access to rivers and estuaries (Hampshire) and an inland site where access to water would have been more difficult (Wetwang). All human groups were consuming high levels of animal protein and there was very little evidence for the consumption of aquatic resources. There was significant variation in 815N values between the locations, which was reflected both in the humans and the herbivores, such that it is likely to be related to environmental rather than to dietary differences. Intra-site group comparisons at Wetwang showed very little variation within the cemetery population IM according to age, sex, subjective status category or site phase. The data were very consistent within the populations, although those for Hampshire displayed more variation in nitrogen.

This thesis reports an investigation of Iron Age diet in Britain using carbon and nitrogen stable isotope data obtained from skeletal material from four locations across England and southern Scotland. Both human and animal bone Collagen has been analysed from Wetwang in East Yorkshire and other sites in East Lothian, Hampshire and Cornwall. Animal bone from Dorset has also been included. The aims of the study were to characterize British Iron Age diet in general isotopic terms and also to provide a contextual base for future analysis which allows an understanding of both inter- and intra-site variation in such data for this and other periods. The comparisons across the locations allowed consideration of geographical variability within England and southern Scotland and included material from coastal sites (Cornwall and East Lothian), from sites with easy access to rivers and estuaries (Hampshire) and an inland site where access to water would have been more difficult (Wetwang). All human groups were consuming high levels of animal protein and there was very little evidence for the consumption of aquatic resources. There was significant variation in 815N values between the locations, which was reflected both in the humans and the herbivores, such that it is likely to be related to environmental rather than to dietary differences. Intra-site group comparisons at Wetwang showed very little variation within the cemetery population IM according to age, sex, subjective status category or site phase. The data were very consistent within the populations, although those for Hampshire displayed more variation in nitrogen.

This thesis provides an overview of the engagement with the material culture of Assyria, unearthed in the Middle East from 1845 onwards by British and French archaeologists. It sets the artistic discovery of Assyria within the visual culture of the period through reference not only to painting but also to illustrated newspapers, books, journals, performances and popular entertainments. The thesis presents a more vigorous, interlinked, and widespread engagement than previous studies have indicated, primarily by providing a comprehensive corpus of artistic responses. The artistic connections between Britain and France were close. Works influenced by Assyria were published, exhibited and reviewed in the contemporary press, on both sides of the English Channel. Some artists, such as Gustave Doré, successfully maintained careers in both London and Paris. It is therefore often meaningless to speak of a wholly ‘French’ or ‘British’ reception, since these responses were coloured by artistic crosscurrents that operated in both directions, a crucial theme to be explored in this dissertation. In Britain, print culture also transported to the regions, away from large metropolitan centres, knowledge of Assyria and Assyrian-inspired art through its appeal to the market for biblical images. Assyria benefited from the explosion in graphical communication. This thesis examines the artistic response to Assyria within a chronological framework. It begins with an overview of the initial period in the 1850s that traces the first British discoveries. Chapter Two explores the different artistic turn Assyria took in the 1860s. Chapter Three deals with the French reception in the second half of the nineteenth century. Chapter Four concludes the British reception up to 1900, and Chapter Five deals with the twentieth century. The thesis contends that far from being a niche subject engaged with a particular group of artists, Assyrian art was a major rediscovery that affected all fields of visual culture in the nineteenth century.

Anglo-Indians, a designation acquired in the 1911 Indian Census, had previously been known as Eurasians, East Indians, Indo-Britons and half-castes. ‘Anglo-Indian’ had previously denoted, and among some scholars continues to denote, Britons long resident in India. We will define Anglo-Indians as a particular mixed race Indo-European population arising out of the European trading and imperial presence in India, and one of several constructed categories by which transient Britons sought to demarcate racial difference within the Raj’s socio-racial hierarchy. Anglo-Indians were placed in an intermediary (and differentially remunerated) position between Indians and Domiciled Europeans (another category excluded from fully ‘white’ status), who in turn were placed below imported British superiors. The domiciled community (of Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans, treated as a single socio-economic class by Britons) were relied upon as loyal buttressing agents of British rule who could be deployed to help run the Raj’s strategically sensitive transport and communication infrastructure, and who were made as a term of their service to serve in auxiliary military forces which could help to ensure the internal security of the Raj and respond to strikes, civil disobedience or crises arising from international conflict. The thesis reveals how calls for Indianisation of state and railway employment by Indian nationalists in the assemblies inaugurated by the 1919 Government of India Act threatened, through opening up their reserved intermediary positions to competitive entry and examination by Indians, to undermine the economic base of domiciled employment. Anglo-Indian leaders responded with varying strategies. Foremost was the definition of Anglo-Indians as an Indian minority community which demanded political representation through successive phases of constitutional change and statutory safeguards for their existing employment. This study explores various strategies including: deployment of multiple identities; widespread racial passing by individuals and families; agricultural colonisation schemes; and calls for individual, familial or collective migration.

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.