Thesis advisor: David DiPasquale / This paper examines the role that media plays in the state building strategy of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS). Research findings suggest that ISIS is not merely a disorderly group of militants, but is a sophisticated organization driven by powerful religious and political ideas. The goal of my research is to tap into the intellectual face of ISIS, to uncover ISIS's own arguments and state building aspirations. In order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of ISIS, this paper examines how ISIS spreads its message and analyzes the significance of that message as it relates to state formation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Arts and Sciences Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Societies.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis--Bonn. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 9-16).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2009. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 522-552).

No description available.

No description available.

The aim of the study is to examine how religion legitimates outrages and it what ways we can regard religion as politics. The study uses the theory that Eickelman and Piscatori present in their book Muslim politics. They use the term ‘Muslim politics’ to describe the relation between Islam and politics. Eickelman and Piscatori divide Muslim politics in five elements that the essay uses to structure the analysis. By studying IS´s own published documents, two issues of the newspaper Dabiq Magazine, from a discourse analytical approach, this essay aims to consolidate the discourse behind the texts and find how the Muslim politics of IS is constructed. IS is an organization that has proclaimed a caliphate that includes Iraq and Syria. IS claims that the core of Islam has been lost and it needs to be rediscovered to avoid the punishment from Allah. IS claim to be the trustees of the will of Allah on earth and call on people to rally behind their interpretation of “true Islam”. The vision of IS is to re-establish a caliphate which is part of the ongoing objectification process.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

Cette thèse propose de mettre en relief les procédés utilisés par les Almohades pour imposer l’ordre politique, depuis la genèse du mouvement dans les années 520/1120 à la chute de la dynastie mu’minide en 668/1269. Après avoir présenté brièvement le précédent almoravide, afin de voir comment les Almohades empruntèrent une voie médiane oscillant entre continuité et rupture, les différents stades de la vie d’un calife, de son intronisation à son trépas, ont été analysés étant donné la personnalisation en vigueur du régime almohade. Ce parti pris permet ainsi de souligner un certain nombre de spécificités par rapport à d’autres pouvoirs de l’Occident musulman, tel que le choix, le cas échéant, de la langue berbère, dans certains discours officiels et publics ou, encore, d’utiliser le Coran attribué à ‘Uṯmān b. ‘Affān dans l’itinérance du Prince. Ce faisant, le caractère éminemment plastique de ce pouvoir a également été mis en exergue : en effet, en fonction de la conjoncture et des groupes qu’il voulut s’attacher ou des périls qu’il eut à affronter, celui-ci chercha continuellement à s’adapter. Au vu de la variété des moyens employés, il était important d’en établir une typologie, depuis la politique à grande échelle du don de nourriture, de vêtements et de numéraire, jusqu’à la mise en charpie du corps des rebelles. Le fil rouge de cette Histoire semble résider dans la propension du calife à établir une séparation nette entre lui et les gouvernés, et aussi progressivement avec le personnel au pouvoir, c’est-à-dire les Mu’minides et les cheikhs almohades. Cette politique passait par la construction de nouvelles cités auliques et par la mise en visibilité d’une forme de continuité entre camp royal nomade et palais sédentaire. Au final, l’objectif de cette thèse est de montrer que pour la première fois au Maghreb occidental et central, on sort partiellement à cette époque du paradigme du chef de guerre, qui n’était qu’un primus inter pares, pour s’enraciner davantage dans la tradition orientale du souverain hiératique le plus souvent inaccessible et invisible. Ce processus allait de pair avec la mise sur pied d’un État digne de ce nom, avec une mise à distance des vieux rituels de la société des Maṣmūda, à commencer par la participation aux banquets, ou encore avec l’invisibilité du calife lors de la prière du vendredi. Enfin, à travers l’évocation de l’agonie du souverain et du culte qui était rendu à Tinmel, les Almohades cherchèrent à surmonter ce redoutable écueil que constituait la mort du calife ; est ainsi mis en lumière le rapport entretenu à l’époque almohade avec le temps, étant bien entendu que le pouvoir cherchait à se pérenniser par tous les moyens. / This thesis illustrates a study that aim for accentuate the processes used to impose the Almohad order, from the genesis of this movement in the year 520/1120 until the end of the mu’minide dynasty in 668/1269. After studying the previous almoravid, which consisted in the way in how the Almohads followed a middle way fluctuating between continuity and fracture, it will explore the different stages of the evolution of a caliph life, from his sacrament to his death, as the system used to be shouldered by him. This perspective thereby will allow the highlighting of a certain number of specificities in comparison to other powers in the Muslim Occident, like the choice to use, if necessary, the Berber in the official speeches or to use the Koran ascribe to ‘Uṯmān b. ‘Affān into the Prince’s journey. These circumstances underlined the remarkably pliable nature of this power, which depending on the situation and the groups it wanted to entice or on the dangers it faced tried continually to adapt itself by displaying different symbols and meanings. Considering the variety of the means used, it seemed important to draw up their typology, ranging from a policy of big scale donation of food, clothes and money, to the violent annihilation of anybody who rebelled. Furthermore a demonstration of the common theme of the story lies in the Caliph’s propensity to establish a clean separation between himself and his subjects and also between himself and the authorities, that is to say from the Mu’minides and Cheikhs almohades. These policies envisaged the construction of new eternal cities and a sort of visible continuity between the royal nomad camp and the sedentary palace. Finally, the aim of this thesis is to show that for the first time in occidental and central Maghreb, the paradigm of a war chief who was only the first amongst his people had been partially abandoned to be substituted by the oriental tradition of the hieratic Sovereign as a more often inaccessible and invisible ruler. This process went together with the setting up of a State worthy of being called such, through lack of contact with the old rituals of the Maṣmūda, starting from the participation to the feasts through to the invisibility of the Caliph during the Friday prayer. As a matter of fact, mentioning the Sovereign’s agony and his worship in Tinmel, it will be clear how the Almohades were seeking to overcome that formidable pitfall that constituted the death of the Caliph; it will also portray their relation to their times, understanding that their main aim was to make that power perpetual.

Between incurably degenerative illness and the graffiti which ignited the Syrian Civil War, YOUR TURN, DOCTOR complicates hope. When myths of revolution, of wellness, no longer console—love as measured in anything but loss. Within a multidisciplinary project how an increasingly painful embodiment intersects the material excess of capitalism is explored. Can objects function as a political demand, necessitating changes in the way the world is ordered? Who for? To understand one kind of oppression in necessary sterility and another in marginalization so profound blindness can result. That is to ask, how long must one be told they do not see a thing they see before they don’t, before transgressions become norms? A list of "Indulgences" modeled loosely after Martin Luther’s Ninety-Five Theses outlines content. Five sections reference the five pillars of Islam— with each containing nineteen individual proposals. Nineteen serves as the common denominator for the mathematical structure of much of the text of the Quran.