This thesis addresses two central questions: How in the long run do Canadian citizens learn about politics? And how does long term experience with politics influence democratic political engagement? The theoretical framework employed in this study makes four basic assumptions about citizens: they are intendedly rational, they use cognitive shortcuts, they are adaptive, and they often face deep uncertainty about the political world. These core assumptions generate a broad set of expectations about how long term experience with politics systematically affects citizen behaviour. This evidence indicates that years of accumulated experience with Canadian politics fundamentally shapes the political outlooks and behaviours of Canadian citizens. Political experience affects whether citizens vote, whether they get the requisite political information that helps them to make reasoned political judgments, and how different considerations enter into their vote choices. Moreover, and despite their different backgrounds, long term experience with Canadian politics influences democratic political engagement among Canadian born citizens and immigrant Canadians in strikingly similar ways.

This thesis addresses two central questions: How in the long run do Canadian citizens learn about politics? And how does long term experience with politics influence democratic political engagement? The theoretical framework employed in this study makes four basic assumptions about citizens: they are intendedly rational, they use cognitive shortcuts, they are adaptive, and they often face deep uncertainty about the political world. These core assumptions generate a broad set of expectations about how long term experience with politics systematically affects citizen behaviour. This evidence indicates that years of accumulated experience with Canadian politics fundamentally shapes the political outlooks and behaviours of Canadian citizens. Political experience affects whether citizens vote, whether they get the requisite political information that helps them to make reasoned political judgments, and how different considerations enter into their vote choices. Moreover, and despite their different backgrounds, long term experience with Canadian politics influences democratic political engagement among Canadian born citizens and immigrant Canadians in strikingly similar ways.

This dissertation argues that the Alberta Progressive Conservative organization constructed a rural political monopoly that facilitated a general provincial political monopoly. It will argue that rural Alberta was vital for the rise of the Progressive Conservatives and accounted for much of its success over the subsequent twenty-five years. The argument also challenges the theories of ‘responsible party government’ that have traditionally explained the perpetuation of the quasi-party system and tradition of one-party dominance in Alberta. It argues that a more comparative approach, specifically the thesis of democratic quality, be integrated into this field of study. The employment of democratic quality biases and the consolidation of economic power in rural Alberta contributed heavily to Conservative political success between 1971 and 1996. Over this period, the Conservatives perpetuated a system of electoral malapportionment that overrepresented rural constituencies and underrepresented urban ridings. At the same time the Conservatives actively challenged independent rural/agrarian civil society organizations and any policy contrary to the party’s political interests. Alberta’s once considerable independent rural and agrarian lobby is today predominantly mediated by their position within or in relation to the Progressive Conservative Association. The decline of general farm organizations (GFOs) and agrarian civil society organizations, facilitated in part by government complicity and a changing agricultural economy, resulted in a ‘political monopoly’ in rural areas. During this period malapportionment underpinned a general political monopoly with rural overrepresentation shoring up collapses of urban support (i.e. Edmonton) in the 1980s and 1990s. This work will provide evidence of participation, competition and other democratic quality biases through a construction of this theoretical framework in terms of a broader comparative perspective based on the evaluation of ‘democratic quality’.

Since forming a parliamentary party in 1994, the Bloc Québécois has been interpreted exclusively as the formal federal manifestation of the Québec separatist movement. Although the partys raison dêtre is well known, less so are its actions in the House of Commons. This thesis begins with two main assumptions: first, traditional characterizations of the BQ are incomplete because they ignore crucial aspects of the partys actual behaviour; second, conventional approaches to the study of new parties in Canada perpetuate the emphasis on the BQs nationalist ideology. <p>Taking a new approach to the new party, this is a study of the Bloc Québécois as a party in Canadas Parliament. In order to learn more about the Blocs performance in the House of Commons and its committees, this thesis examines the Blocs contribution to debate on the formulation of national policy. Contrary to what might be expected of a separatist party, the following case studies show the BQ contributing willingly and substantively to parliamentary deliberation on a wide array of pan-Canadian issues. Moreover, during debate, Bloquistes are rarely found demanding an independent Québec state; instead, they address legislation brought before the House, promoting a liberal, social-democratic set of values. Far from being a maverick in Parliament, the BQ is a full participant. In fact, Bloquistes enhance the quality of parliamentary debate, and counterbalance the views of the right-wing Reform/Alliance party. <p>Throughout the thesis the Blocs surprising parliamentary performance is explained by an analysis of the influence of power and institutions on the actions of political agents. It concludes that by accepting membership in the House of Commons, the BQ has been forced to conform to parliamentary rules and customs. Subsequently, Parliament has limited the partys ability to advocate Québec secession, and has broadened its perspective to consider all matters of national concern.

Since forming a parliamentary party in 1994, the Bloc Québécois has been interpreted exclusively as the formal federal manifestation of the Québec separatist movement. Although the partys raison dêtre is well known, less so are its actions in the House of Commons. This thesis begins with two main assumptions: first, traditional characterizations of the BQ are incomplete because they ignore crucial aspects of the partys actual behaviour; second, conventional approaches to the study of new parties in Canada perpetuate the emphasis on the BQs nationalist ideology. <p>Taking a new approach to the new party, this is a study of the Bloc Québécois as a party in Canadas Parliament. In order to learn more about the Blocs performance in the House of Commons and its committees, this thesis examines the Blocs contribution to debate on the formulation of national policy. Contrary to what might be expected of a separatist party, the following case studies show the BQ contributing willingly and substantively to parliamentary deliberation on a wide array of pan-Canadian issues. Moreover, during debate, Bloquistes are rarely found demanding an independent Québec state; instead, they address legislation brought before the House, promoting a liberal, social-democratic set of values. Far from being a maverick in Parliament, the BQ is a full participant. In fact, Bloquistes enhance the quality of parliamentary debate, and counterbalance the views of the right-wing Reform/Alliance party. <p>Throughout the thesis the Blocs surprising parliamentary performance is explained by an analysis of the influence of power and institutions on the actions of political agents. It concludes that by accepting membership in the House of Commons, the BQ has been forced to conform to parliamentary rules and customs. Subsequently, Parliament has limited the partys ability to advocate Québec secession, and has broadened its perspective to consider all matters of national concern.

This dissertation argues that the Alberta Progressive Conservative organization constructed a rural political monopoly that facilitated a general provincial political monopoly. It will argue that rural Alberta was vital for the rise of the Progressive Conservatives and accounted for much of its success over the subsequent twenty-five years. The argument also challenges the theories of ‘responsible party government’ that have traditionally explained the perpetuation of the quasi-party system and tradition of one-party dominance in Alberta. It argues that a more comparative approach, specifically the thesis of democratic quality, be integrated into this field of study. The employment of democratic quality biases and the consolidation of economic power in rural Alberta contributed heavily to Conservative political success between 1971 and 1996. Over this period, the Conservatives perpetuated a system of electoral malapportionment that overrepresented rural constituencies and underrepresented urban ridings. At the same time the Conservatives actively challenged independent rural/agrarian civil society organizations and any policy contrary to the party’s political interests. Alberta’s once considerable independent rural and agrarian lobby is today predominantly mediated by their position within or in relation to the Progressive Conservative Association. The decline of general farm organizations (GFOs) and agrarian civil society organizations, facilitated in part by government complicity and a changing agricultural economy, resulted in a ‘political monopoly’ in rural areas. During this period malapportionment underpinned a general political monopoly with rural overrepresentation shoring up collapses of urban support (i.e. Edmonton) in the 1980s and 1990s. This work will provide evidence of participation, competition and other democratic quality biases through a construction of this theoretical framework in terms of a broader comparative perspective based on the evaluation of ‘democratic quality’.

This thesis explores First Nations peoples’ relationship with the Canadian government and how the issue of citizenship has played into this relationship. This thesis analyses citizenship theory as it relates to First Nations peoples through an examination of prominent theorists of Canadian politics and Indigenous scholars. Arguments for unitarian citizenship, pluralist forms of citizenship and Indigenous nationalism are examined. Issues of participation, identity and self-determination are explored as they relate closely to the debate over the level of inclusion in Canadian citizenship. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples recommends a dual-citizenship model, to be implemented by the Canadian government with consultation and input from First Nations. However, this recommendation has not been pursued, and the relationship between First Nations and the Canadian government is as tense as ever. I conclude that a thoughtful re-examination of the RCAP dual-citizenship model is necessary if we are to move towards reconciliation in Canada. / October 2015

This dissertation argues that we ought to promote the integration of groups as groups. Group integration is characterised by the process through which a group develops its own institutions and becomes a participatory member of its host society. This dissertation is neither a refutation of previous literature on individual integration, nor is it a rejection of the idea that immigrant groups are owed different rights than are national minorities and aboriginal groups. Instead, the goal is to fortify our understanding of what treatment is owed to immigrant groups. This dissertation argues that it is normatively desirable to promote group integration both for instrumental benefits in terms of expediting individual integration, and due to reasons of justice and democratic equality between groups. Chapters Two, Three, and Four are predominantly theoretical. They involve a discussion of the importance of group rights and group deliberation, why group integration is normatively desirable, and a response to theoretical critiques of my proposal that group integration ought to be promoted. Chapters Five and Six are based on an application of the theory developed in the preceding chapters, and explore cases where we can see evidence of group integration. It is argued that group integration can justify differentiated rights for immigrant groups that may have integrated, as individuals and groups, under different historical circumstances. The Sixth chapter explores some implications that group integration may have for a group that is not easily characterised by the traditional liberal multiculturalist categories of aboriginal, immigrant group, and national minority. Finally, in Chapter Seven I provide an overview of the three main rubrics of argumentation used in this dissertation. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-01-28 18:13:12.34

This Master’s Thesis compares the dynamics of intergovernmental relations (IGR) in Canada and Australia. In particular, the study explores how two such similar countries have developed such distinct sets of intergovernmental institutions. In Australia, the Commonwealth has increasingly dominated IGR since the 1930s, a process which culminated with the creation of the Council of Australian Government, a “vertical” (Commonwealth-state) institution. In Canada, federal-provincial-territorial relations have been far less institutionalized. Instead, “horizontal” (provincial-territorial) relations have evolved slowly into the Council of the Federation, the most regularized forum for IGR in Canadian history. By examining the historical development of federalism more generally and IGR specifically, this study uncovers a mutually-reinforcing relationship between centralization and the verticality of IGR in Australia, and a corresponding bond between decentralization and horizontality in Canada. Based on original interviews with key intergovernmental officials in each country, the study attributes these relationships to a number of factors, including the presence of multi-nationalism, the strength of intrastate federalism, the nature of judicial interpretation, the structure of fiscal federalism, and the personal style of political figures. The thesis concludes that verticality in Canada and horizontality in Australia are functions of the same factors which made one decentralized and the other centralized, and that institutions of IGR are both cause and effect of the prevailing dynamic in either federation.

This dissertation argues that the Alberta Progressive Conservative organization constructed a rural political monopoly that facilitated a general provincial political monopoly. It will argue that rural Alberta was vital for the rise of the Progressive Conservatives and accounted for much of its success over the subsequent twenty-five years. The argument also challenges the theories of ‘responsible party government’ that have traditionally explained the perpetuation of the quasi-party system and tradition of one-party dominance in Alberta. It argues that a more comparative approach, specifically the thesis of democratic quality, be integrated into this field of study. The employment of democratic quality biases and the consolidation of economic power in rural Alberta contributed heavily to Conservative political success between 1971 and 1996. Over this period, the Conservatives perpetuated a system of electoral malapportionment that overrepresented rural constituencies and underrepresented urban ridings. At the same time the Conservatives actively challenged independent rural/agrarian civil society organizations and any policy contrary to the party’s political interests. Alberta’s once considerable independent rural and agrarian lobby is today predominantly mediated by their position within or in relation to the Progressive Conservative Association. The decline of general farm organizations (GFOs) and agrarian civil society organizations, facilitated in part by government complicity and a changing agricultural economy, resulted in a ‘political monopoly’ in rural areas. During this period malapportionment underpinned a general political monopoly with rural overrepresentation shoring up collapses of urban support (i.e. Edmonton) in the 1980s and 1990s. This work will provide evidence of participation, competition and other democratic quality biases through a construction of this theoretical framework in terms of a broader comparative perspective based on the evaluation of ‘democratic quality’.