Cette thèse explore l'élargissement du champ d’analyse de la science économique hors de ses frontières traditionnelles, vers l’étude de phénomènes aussi divers que la discrimination, le comportement politique ou encore les comportements familiaux. Nous soutenons qu’une telle évolution s’accompagna de l’élargissement du domaine d’intervention de l’Etat aux Etats-Unis à partir de la deuxième moitié des années 1940, qui stimula l’émergence de questions « aux frontières » des sciences sociales. Ainsi, la perception de ce qui relève de l’économique, du social ou du politique s’en trouva brouillée. En retour, ces évolutions favorisèrent le franchissement des barrières disciplinaires par les économistes. Nous identifions trois étapes distinctes dans l’évolution du champ d’analyse de la science économique. Premièrement, dans un contexte marqué par la Guerre Froide, les économistes s’intéressèrent aux questions relevant du domaine traditionnel de la science politique, telles que celles du choix collectif. Deuxièmement, a partir du début des années 1960, mais surtout durant le mandat de Lyndon Johnson, les économistes s’intéressèrent progressivement à l’étude des problèmes sociaux en lien avec la notion de pauvreté, tels que la discrimination, l’éducation, le crime ou encore la santé. Enfin, dans les années 1970, le dernier stade de l’évolution des frontières de la science économique fut marqué par la disparition progressive de barrières thématiques a priori. Forts du succès de leurs analyses du politique et du social, certains économistes défendirent l’idée que leur discipline n’était plus définie par un domaine d’analyse, mais par ses outils. / This thesis studies the expansion of the scope of economics to the study of phenomena traditionally considered to lie outside of the domain of economics. We claim that such a development came with the expansion of the domain of government intervention from the late 1940s on, which raised interdisciplinary questions. What was considered to be “economic”, “social” or “political” phenomena evolved and blurred. In return, this stimulated economists to overstep the traditional disciplinary boundaries. We identify three steps in the expansion of the scope of economics. First, in the context of the Cold War society, economists progressively studied political phenomena such as the problem of collective choice. Second, in the 1960s, and more precisely during Lyndon Johnson’s presidency, economists became progressively interested in the study of social problems related to the notion of poverty, such as discrimination, education, crime or public health. Finally, in the 1970s, the last step of the development of the scope of economics was characterized by the progressive fading of any a priori disciplinary boundaries. Vindicated by the success of their economic approach to political and social phenomena, some economists argued that their discipline was not defined by its field of analysis, but rather by its tools.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como a primeira experiência pan-americanista (1889-1894) apareceu nas páginas do importante jornal The Chicago Tribune e quais foram as imagens veiculadas sobre as Américas. O diário de Chicago, ligado aos interesses dos empresários e industrialistas do Oeste norte-americano, se posicionou favoravelmente a uma reorientação da política hemisférica, colocada em prática na segunda gestão do Secretário de Estado James Blaine. Para além de sua defesa sobre a ampliação do comércio interamericano, o Tribune se esforçou em construir representações de amizade entre os Estados Unidos e a América Latina, especialmente durante a Exposição Universal de Chicago (1893). O evento de grandes dimensões, que marcou aquele país no final do século XIX, celebrava os quatrocentos anos do Descobrimento das Américas. Aproveitando-se da ideia de um passado comum, o Departamento de Estado promoveu a política do Pan-americanismo, articulando e encorajando as nações latino-americanas a exporem na Feira Mundial. O Chicago Tribune acompanhou, argumentou e defendeu enfaticamente o projeto de união das três Américas. / This research aims to analyze how the first Pan-American experience (1889-1894) appeared in the pages of the leading newspaper The Chicago Tribune, and in what way was the American Hemisphere imagined by it. The newspaper, related to the interests of businessmen and industrialists of the West, positioned itself favorably to the reorientation of the hemispheric policy, which was put in practice in James Blaines second term as Secretary of State. Going beyond its argumentation in improving the Inter-American trade, the Tribune endeavored to depict the United States and Latin America as friends, especially during the Chicago Worlds Fair (1893). The major event, which profoundly affected that country at the end of the nineteenth century, was meant to celebrate the four-hundredth anniversary of the Discovery of the Americas. By exploiting the idea of a common past, the State Department promoted the Pan-Americanism, negotiating and encouraging Latin American countries to prepare exhibits for the World\'s Fair. The Chicago Tribune tracked the news and argued favorably and eloquently for the project of the union of the Three Americas.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1980. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Includes bibliographical references. / by Lynne Beyer Sagalyn. / Ph.D.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como a primeira experiência pan-americanista (1889-1894) apareceu nas páginas do importante jornal The Chicago Tribune e quais foram as imagens veiculadas sobre as Américas. O diário de Chicago, ligado aos interesses dos empresários e industrialistas do Oeste norte-americano, se posicionou favoravelmente a uma reorientação da política hemisférica, colocada em prática na segunda gestão do Secretário de Estado James Blaine. Para além de sua defesa sobre a ampliação do comércio interamericano, o Tribune se esforçou em construir representações de amizade entre os Estados Unidos e a América Latina, especialmente durante a Exposição Universal de Chicago (1893). O evento de grandes dimensões, que marcou aquele país no final do século XIX, celebrava os quatrocentos anos do Descobrimento das Américas. Aproveitando-se da ideia de um passado comum, o Departamento de Estado promoveu a política do Pan-americanismo, articulando e encorajando as nações latino-americanas a exporem na Feira Mundial. O Chicago Tribune acompanhou, argumentou e defendeu enfaticamente o projeto de união das três Américas. / This research aims to analyze how the first Pan-American experience (1889-1894) appeared in the pages of the leading newspaper The Chicago Tribune, and in what way was the American Hemisphere imagined by it. The newspaper, related to the interests of businessmen and industrialists of the West, positioned itself favorably to the reorientation of the hemispheric policy, which was put in practice in James Blaines second term as Secretary of State. Going beyond its argumentation in improving the Inter-American trade, the Tribune endeavored to depict the United States and Latin America as friends, especially during the Chicago Worlds Fair (1893). The major event, which profoundly affected that country at the end of the nineteenth century, was meant to celebrate the four-hundredth anniversary of the Discovery of the Americas. By exploiting the idea of a common past, the State Department promoted the Pan-Americanism, negotiating and encouraging Latin American countries to prepare exhibits for the World\'s Fair. The Chicago Tribune tracked the news and argued favorably and eloquently for the project of the union of the Three Americas.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1971. / Typescript. Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 414-428).

Thesis (M. Arch. D.U.)--University of Notre Dame, 2006. / Thesis directed by Steven W. Semes for the School of Architecture. "April 2006." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 49-50).

Alors que le community organizing constitue aujourd’hui l'une des formes d'action collective les plus légitimes aux États-Unis, encourageant la participation de classes populaires urbaines que tout exclut du champ politique, les conditions de possibilité de cette participation improbable restent peu étudiées. À partir d'une enquête ethnographique et sociohistorique menée à Chicago, berceau historique de ce répertoire d’action, cette thèse se penche sur le groupe de professionnel·le·s, les community organizers, qui font exister une participation et une représentation politiques profanes. Pourtant, contrairement aux arguments classiques de la sociologie politique, ces professionnel·le·s refusent de parler au nom du groupe mobilisé, la community, se mettant activement en retrait derrière des porte-parole populaires qu’ils et elles sélectionnent et forment. Que dit l’étude de ce rôle des liens entre institutionnalisation, professionnalisation et politisation/dépolitisation ? Pour saisir les ressorts de cette dissociation originale entre professionnel·le et porte-parole et ses effets sur la division du travail politique, on montre comment ce rôle de « faiseur de représentants » émerge, se consolide et se légitime à partir des années 1970, à la frontière entre, d’une part, la tradition d'intervention sociale héritée des initiatives réformatrices des premières décennies du XXe siècle, et d’autre part les pratiques contestataires héritées des mouvements sociaux des années 1960 et 1970. La thèse expose ensuite comment ce rôle hybride, où revendication d’expertise professionnelle et travail de mobilisation et de politisation sont indissociables, se manifeste dans des pratiques quotidiennes de mise en représentation populaire. Celles-ci s’inscrivent dans un espace d’intermédiation largement déterminé par des relations d’interdépendance avec d'autres espaces et champs concurrents (champs politique et philanthropique, « espace des mouvements sociaux ») qui échappent aux porte-parole profanes. Enfin, en déplaçant la focale vers les trajectoires des community organizers, de leurs dispositions à l'engagement aux modalités de maintien dans le rôle ou de reconversion dans d’autres espaces professionnels en passant par l'incorporation en acte de ce sens pratique militant pragmatique, on voit néanmoins que devenir community organizer peut confirmer ou enclencher des dynamiques de politisation individuelle. / Community organizing is one of the most legitimate forms of collective action in the United States today, fostering the participation of urban working classes that are structurally excluded from the political field. And yet, the conditions of possibility of such socially unlikely participation have received little scholarly attention. Based on an ethnographic and sociohistorical inquiry conducted in Chicago, the historic birthplace of that repertoire of collective action, my goal in this dissertation is to address this gap by focusing on the group of professionals, called community organizers, who make popular and lay political participation and representation possible. The central paradox here is that, contrary to what the literature in political sociology usually argues, these professionals refuse to speak on behalf of the mobilized community, actively stepping back behind the spokespeople they select and train. What does the study of this role say about the links between processes of institutionalization, professionalization and politicization/depoliticization? In order to make sense of the original dissociation between the professional’s role and that of the spokesperson and understand how it affects the division of political work, the dissertation shows how the role of “leader-maker” has emerged, taken shape and been legitimized from the 1970s onwards, at the junction of, on the one hand, the reform-minded community organization tradition dating back to the early 20th century, and on the other, the legacy of the contentious politics of the 1960s and 1970s. I then shift the focus to what this hybrid role, where claims of professional expertise and mobilization and politicization cannot be disentangled, actually looks like in terms of daily practices developing popular representation. These practices occur within a space of political intermediation broadly shaped by networks of interdependencies with other competing sectors (the political and philanthropic fields, the “space of social movement”) which are beyond the lay spokespeople’s reach. By looking at organizers’ individual trajectories, however – from their social dispositions towards commitment to the actual incorporation of this pragmatic practical sense and the ways individuals can stay in the field or exit the role towards other career opportunities – the research shows that becoming an organizer can confirm or initiate dynamics of individual politicization.

This study investigates how television coverage of the 1968 Democratic National Convention largely determined the negative public impression of the convention and its candidate. The coverage had a definite effect on the workings of the convention through the images and information it conveyed to the delegates. The coverage also shaped the broadcast picture of the event by linking the convention to the violence in the streets.

This study examines the impact of white ethnic concentration on robbery and homicide in Chicago and New York City. As one of the first to disaggregate white ethnic populations, this study has the expectation that Italian-American concentration will have a stronger influence on robbery and homicide than any other white ethnic concentrations. This study is founded on prior qualitative research suggesting that the reputation of Italian-Americans influences the behavior of outsiders in their communities. The data show there is a significant and negative relationship between Italian-American concentration and the violent crimes robbery and homicide. This relationship only exists for white ethnic concentration with robbery. These patterns occur across both cities at three different aggregate levels. The results indicate that there may be particular characteristics about Italian-American ethnic concentrations which have dampening effects on the frequency of homicide and robbery in their communities; it is speculated that a reputation for Mafia involvement is one of the protective factors.

No description available.