This thesis examines civil society, political space, and peacebuilding in post-war Burundi by critically engaging with international discourses and considering the extent to which they reflect the experiences and perspectives of activists on the ground. It is based on qualitative research with civil society groups and the individuals that work for them in Burundi. Fieldwork took place over five months between July 2014 and April 2015. This was a period of crisis in which civil society faced mounting restrictions, from the introduction of legislation that banned public gatherings, to the harassment and intimidation of prominent activists. The thesis analyses the extent to which civil society groups were able to navigate these constraints to create and maintain spaces for peace that transform dominant social norms which produce violence and repression. It also considers the factors that frustrated these efforts, from the sustained influence of past violence and trauma, to the climate of fear and uncertainty that emerged following the 2015 elections, and the divisive elite politics that continues to disrupt everyday peace in Burundi. It finds that emerging policy discourses on political space fail to engage with the historical, political, and discursive nature of government restrictions in Burundi, and the temporal and relational dimensions of violence, especially the ways in which it shapes the everyday lives of activists and their ability to challenge the institutions and structures within which violence is reproduced. The research situates these experiences in historical context – a process that enables it to consider broader questions about the evolution of civil society and the extent to which it becomes embedded in post-conflict contexts once international funding and attention decreases and external peacebuilding activities conclude. Civil society groups in Burundi received significant support from the international community in the post-war years, yet increasing restrictions suggest that the Burundian government has not accepted the presence of certain organisations which it views as a threat to its political authority and legitimacy. This leads the thesis to argue that curbs on civil society should be seen as part of a broader pattern of resistance to international peacebuilding in Burundi.

After the Cold War and fall of Communism in the East bloc, a dramatic transformation took place in world geopolitics known as the third wave of democratization. From the 1970s to the 1990s, third wave democracies became a foil to military dictatorships and Marxist-style juntas throughout the Third World (see Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave, 1991 and Larry Diamond et. al, Consolidating the Third Wave Democracies, 1997). The process of democratization in Africa seemed to have attained significant levels by the mid 1990s but the same could not be said for the turn of the twenty first century. What went wrong? The process of transition from military dictatorships to constitutional rule was fraught with problems. A perennial problem was the abuse of electoral systems which provided legitimate ways to political participation. Authoritarian governments in Kenya, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Togo and Zimbabwe used multiparty elections to legitimize and entrench their rules. Incumbents brazenly rigged elections and derailed Africa's fragile democratic experiment and return to constitutional rule. Democracy in Africa, nevertheless, was not a lost cause. The successful transition to democracy in Ghana is worth studying because it provided a test case of hope and resilience on the part of citizens who wanted to exercise their rights to political participation and governance. I argue that it is important to shift emphasis from electoral systems to associational life and broad-based political participation because this is how democracy is going to be sustained in Africa. To put an end to contested elections and perennial military intervention, broad-based local solutions were sought in Ghana in the period of political opening. The revival of associational life and broad-based political participation, and an emphasis on civil society from the late 1970s to the early 1990s became the founding stone of Ghana's Fourth Republic. The art of association and the assumed freedom it comes with is one of the founding tenets of liberal and democratic societies, and nowhere is this statement more relevant than in Ghana. Ghana's democratic Fourth Republic is the foster child of Ghana's civil society organs and social forces. In Ghana, civil associations such as the National Union of Ghana Students (NUGS), the Ghana Bar Association (GBA), the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ), Christian Council of Ghana (CCG), and the Catholic Bishops' Conference (CBC) generated social movements which were critical to the success of Ghana's democratic experiment. Despite the fact that the political and social activities of the National Union of Ghana Students were crucial and complimentary to the making of Ghana's Fourth Republic, no extensive study has addressed this blatant omission. Sakyi Amoa is the only scholar who has done some substantive work on student movements in Ghana ("Ghanaian University Students," 1969; University Students' Political Action in Ghana, 1979). However, his work did not explore the relations between civil society, social movements, and student movements, and their roles in the making of Ghana's Fourth Republic. This study has a double-edged purpose: to explore and define the place of civil society and social movements in Ghana's democratic experiment; and to point out the importance of the often neglected student movements in making the democratic experiment successful. This dissertation is not just a study of student organizations and their political and social activities, but it is also an analysis of the social forces in Ghana's civil society which agitated for social change and democratization. From the Ghanaian context, I argue that African states embarking on democratization need a functioning and independent civil society which would ensure that at the time of political opening and transition to democracy, the rules of political competition are agreed upon and constitutionally implemented. Also I argue that student movements, along with other social movements, are important to the functioning and independence of civil society. Despite the apparent lack of political maturity by student movements, the student movement in Ghana did perform its functional role in conjunction with other social actors to support Ghana's democratic experiment from the late 1970s to the early 1990s.

Based on sixteen months of anthropological fieldwork with thirteen student organizations on the campus of a large elite university in southern China, this dissertation unravels the complex tensions occurring as students struggle for freedom, moral integrity, and political agency within the educational system of urban China. It documents how aspiring and idealistic young people were disillusioned because of cultural and structural constraints in the university environment and in the larger political context. Through participant observation and through recounting students' narratives of their experiences in extra-curricular organizations, augmented by the results of large-scale questionnaires, my dissertation also shows how their efforts to gain new but elusive freedoms were experienced not only as liberating opportunities but also as burdensome responsibilities. My findings further indicate that the pursuit of self-cultivation and individualistic goals among young people in China do not necessarily indicate individualization and consequently atomization and moral apathy, which many China scholars and observers have claimed. Rather, as these students negotiated novel social roles for themselves as moral citizens in post-reform China, they also carved out a new space in between the public and the private for relatively uncensored experimentation in democratic practices and social activism. Individualization in the Chinese society did not result in a total retreat into the private sphere. Rather, it inspired young adults to imagine and actively cultivate alternative moral universes in which small personal actions and relationships take priority. Using a number of methodologies, my dissertation examines the processes of power contestation, moral negotiation, and political subjectivation occurring in the controlled realm of student organizations. It documents how students eventually adopted attitudes of passivity and indifference to mitigate their disappointment, as they came to see their compromises with and manipulations of institutional bureaucracy as a practical necessity external to any consideration of morality. At the same time, displacement of moral agency paved the way for university students' active reinterpretation of moral personhood and their pursuit of a new style of responsible citizenship in post-reform China. / 2017-05-31T00:00:00Z

This report evaluates the Civic and Advice Centres Programme (CACP) administered by Kagiso Trust (KT) with funds from, primarily, the Commission of the European Communities (CEC). Between 1987 and 1992 over R 13 mn was disbursed through this programme. The authors of this report were appointed by the CEC and KT as consultants in November 1992. This is our final report. This report is the product of an evaluation conducted by the consultants in accordance with Terms of Reference defined by the CEC and KT. As such the report does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of either the CEC or KT. It is important to indicate clearly what this report is and is not. It is a report for the funding organizations - KT and the CEC - on their funding of civics and advice centres. It is not a study of civics and advice centres perse. There are important aspects of the civic movement which are not examined here. Our recommendations are offered to the funding organizations. Neither our analysis nor our recommendations are intended to be prescriptive of or for civics and advice centres. It is up to civics and advice centres to assess their own experiences and to choose their own routes into the post-apartheid future. Our concern here in this report has merely been to point out to the funders how their funds have been used, and how funds might be constructively used in future to further the democratisation of governmental and developmental processes. The consultants are grateful to all of the individuals and organizations who were able to spare time to discuss with us their experiences and perceptions of the CACP. They are too many to name here, but they are listed in Annex B. Our role as consultants has been in part to collate the many incisive comments made to us in our many discussions around the country. There are few suggestions here which have not been made by one or other of our interviewees. We are grateful to the CEC and KT for the assistance they provided. At KT’s head office we have been extensively assisted by Spencer Malongete, Pam Hamese and Muzwandile Lumka. We are grateful also to the staff of the KT regional offices who met with us and helped to schedule appointments with projects. Kagiso Trust organised a reference group for the consultants which on two occasions generously criticised early drafts of the report. It has not been easy to co-ordinate the work of three consultants based in Cape Town, London and Johannesburg. Our research was originally divided on a geographical basis. Jeremy Seekings examined the CACP in Cape Town, the Eastern Cape and Border, and parts of the Orange Free State. Khehla Shubane examined the CACP in the Transvaal and Natal. David Simon conducted research in parts of the Transvaal, Southern Cape, and Cape Town. Most of the sections of the report were drafted by one or other of the consultants, and revised in light of comments from one or both of the other consultants. Jeremy Seekings was primarily responsible for sections 2.4, 3, 4, 5, 7.1 and 8. David Simon was primarily responsible for sections 1, 2.2 and 2.3, 6.6, 7.2 and 7.3, and 10. Jeremy Seekings and David Simon drafted the rest of section 6. Khehla Shubane was primarily responsible for section 9 and the executive summary, and made extensive inputs into sections 3.3 and 5.

Este trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso de três entidades do movimento apaeano (movimento das associações de pais e amigos dos excepcionais) do Brasil, a APAE Porto Alegre, a APAE Novo Hamburgo e a Federação das APAEs do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O estudo procurou identificar elementos que compõem e exemplificam a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileira, principalmente sua relação com o Estado, através da experiência destas entidades selecionadas. Desta forma foram analisadas, a participação das entidades em conselhos gestores, a relação de representação estabelecida com seu público-alvo e as configurações apresentadas na sua relação com o poder estatal. Estes aspectos foram sistematizados à luz de referenciais teóricos que tratam da relevância da sociedade civil para o desempenho democrático, buscando, assim, revelar os pontos onde as considerações teóricas e a realidade empírica das instituições pesquisadas se encontram. A partir desta abordagem foram identificados os espaços de atuação política das APAEs e os mecanismos utilizados na formação deste espaço, desde a incorporação de práticas comuns à outras organizações da sociedade civil, como a participação em conselhos e a representação de um público perante o Estado, até os aspectos que revelam uma estrutura de atuação tradicionalmente vinculada à filantropia. / This work presents the case study of three entities belonging to the Brazilian APAE Movement (movement of associations of parents and friends of mentally impaired people): APAE Porto Alegre, APAE Novo Hamburgo and the Federation of APAEs from the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The study tried to identify aspects that compose and exemplify the action of Brazilian civil society organizations, particularly regarding their relations with the state, by means of experience gathered with the aforementioned entities. Thus, the participation of these entities in local administrative councils was analyzed, as well as the relation established with the group of people they represent and configurations displayed in their relation with the state power. These aspects were systematized taking into account theoretical references bearing on the relevance of civil society to democratic practice, therefore trying to reveal points where theoretical considerations and the empirical reality of the researched institutions do meet. Stemming from this approach the space for APAEs political action was identified, as well as the mechanisms used in the constitution of this space: from the incorporation of practices common to other civil society organizations – like council participation and public representation to a state – to aspects that reveal a structure of action traditionally linked to philanthropy.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la question de la participation et du rôle du public dans la gouvernance des risques nucléaires. La question de recherche principale de la thèse est la suivante : comment un public potentiellement impacté par des activités à haut risque, parvient à se constituer en acteur social qui participe activement à leur gouvernance ? Grâce à une étude de cas, la thèse explore comment, à travers le temps, des acteurs de la société civile, progressivement institutionnalisés par le biais des Commissions Locales d’Information (CLI1), peuvent avoir des effets sur la gouvernance du risque nucléaire en France. La thèse se demande également si les différentes parties prenantes du nucléaire en France souhaitent réellement arriver à une compréhension partagée des situations et des enjeux. / This dissertation contributes to these debates by exploring the conditions in which people potentially impacted by nuclear activities can become active participants in the governance of such high-risk industries, and how they can organize themselves and build a common voice. Its chapters, each with their own focus, also shed light on changes in the roles of the nuclear stakeholders who have dealings with this public. Finally, this dissertation analyses the potential impacts for safety governance in such organizations.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the overall role of a Communicator within a civil society organization (CSO). The aim was to clarify the role of a Communicator by examining the daily functions, the approach applied, abilities required, as well as skills employed. In addition, the study focused on CSO organizational structure and leadership with respect to the role of the Communicator. To do so, the author studied her own functioning in the role of CSO Communicator. The triangulated qualitative research approach applied primarily participant observation, exercised through unobtrusive measures. The results showed support for the approach of a Business Communicator.

Information technology, media, financial flows and consumer culture have long been acknowledged as transnational connective forces that spread ideas and values around the globe. This work proposes an alternative mechanism for such spread: development-focused civil society organizations. This thesis argues that such organizations constitute a backbone of connections that link a diversity of development actors and local communities into a network with global scope. While individual nodes in these civil society networks may not possess global reach, the network as a whole facilitates the far flung transfer of knowledge and ideas. This work focuses on the ways that knowledge is generated, transferred and renegotiated on both the global, national and local scale through such networks of development institutions. How are global discourses formed, adapted and spread via civil society into local communities? How do local communities interact with, change, implement or ignore the values, knowledge and rhetoric of global movements? How are communities shaped by these discourses and what role do they have in informing the discourses themselves? The project constructs two case studies of such 'knowledge networks' - two international foundations, their partner NGOs in the developing world (Kyrgyzstan and Kenya), and the local communities where the NGOs support ecologically-focused initiatives. The case studies demonstrate the complex and uneven ways in which knowledge and values are shared - and contested - within the networks. Ideas are transformed, adapted or ignored between different nodes, and yet the network retains enough common discourse and shared knowledge to function as a whole. Despite power imbalances, local actors remain agents, not subjects, in these networks and produce knowledge that is prized by other organizations and individuals in the networks. Civil society knowledge networks thus sculpt the content and application of knowledge across global movements, development-focused civil society organizations and local communities in the developing world.

The increase in the presence and influence of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) locally and internationally is having a noticeable effect on the policy process at a national level. While the NGO sector is more commonly examined at an international level, its impact at the state and sub-state level remains unexplored. This gap in the literature is addressed as a primary problem in this thesis. By exploring the relationship between the NGO and the state, the significance of this relationship is emphasised as a necessary inclusion in International Relations literature. The NGO sector presents civil society with a road into, and in some cases an alternative to, traditional modes of political advocacy. This increases civil society's ability to impact the policy process by creating, what is identified in this thesis as, a dialogical space. The dialogical space allows for an exchange of ideas and thus influences the decision-making process of the state, if and when it is explored. Furthermore, the dialogical space facilitates, as is shown here, learning through the conversations that take place between NGOs and the state. This thesis asks ‘what do NGOs learn from their conversations with states?' and presents the ‘lessons learned' from Scottish and Zambian case studies. NGOs are identified here as civil society in organisation and have a particular relationship with the communities they represent. This relationship is empirically examined and presented here in the Scottish and Zambian case studies. This thesis examines the relationship between the NGO and civil society, and most importantly the relationship between the NGO and the state using the ethic of care as a theoretical lens. Conclusions are drawn from the interviews conducted during the fieldwork. The ethic of care is located in practice and used as a theoretical lens to examine what the local NGOs learn from their interactions with the state. Both case studies confirm that an ethic of care is a prevalent ethic in NGO practice, as identified by the NGO workers interviewed. Furthermore, when used as an analytical lens the ethic of care is shown to be used as a tool by NGOs to nurture an ethic of care in statesmanship. The thesis specifically highlights that NGOs have learned from their conversations with states and that, through the creation and use of the dialogical space, an ethic of care in practice can be traced. The greater significance of this thesis is that it addresses the relationship between the NGO and the state at a local and national level; a topic which is lacking in current IR literature, despite being of crucial value for understanding the state's interaction with non-state actors, in this case local NGOs. Furthermore, through the use of the ethic of care both as an exploratory lens and in its identification as a practical ethic, this thesis highlights the importance of an ethic of care in theory and practice.

Este trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso de três entidades do movimento apaeano (movimento das associações de pais e amigos dos excepcionais) do Brasil, a APAE Porto Alegre, a APAE Novo Hamburgo e a Federação das APAEs do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O estudo procurou identificar elementos que compõem e exemplificam a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileira, principalmente sua relação com o Estado, através da experiência destas entidades selecionadas. Desta forma foram analisadas, a participação das entidades em conselhos gestores, a relação de representação estabelecida com seu público-alvo e as configurações apresentadas na sua relação com o poder estatal. Estes aspectos foram sistematizados à luz de referenciais teóricos que tratam da relevância da sociedade civil para o desempenho democrático, buscando, assim, revelar os pontos onde as considerações teóricas e a realidade empírica das instituições pesquisadas se encontram. A partir desta abordagem foram identificados os espaços de atuação política das APAEs e os mecanismos utilizados na formação deste espaço, desde a incorporação de práticas comuns à outras organizações da sociedade civil, como a participação em conselhos e a representação de um público perante o Estado, até os aspectos que revelam uma estrutura de atuação tradicionalmente vinculada à filantropia. / This work presents the case study of three entities belonging to the Brazilian APAE Movement (movement of associations of parents and friends of mentally impaired people): APAE Porto Alegre, APAE Novo Hamburgo and the Federation of APAEs from the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The study tried to identify aspects that compose and exemplify the action of Brazilian civil society organizations, particularly regarding their relations with the state, by means of experience gathered with the aforementioned entities. Thus, the participation of these entities in local administrative councils was analyzed, as well as the relation established with the group of people they represent and configurations displayed in their relation with the state power. These aspects were systematized taking into account theoretical references bearing on the relevance of civil society to democratic practice, therefore trying to reveal points where theoretical considerations and the empirical reality of the researched institutions do meet. Stemming from this approach the space for APAEs political action was identified, as well as the mechanisms used in the constitution of this space: from the incorporation of practices common to other civil society organizations – like council participation and public representation to a state – to aspects that reveal a structure of action traditionally linked to philanthropy.