This dissertation analyzes the impact of European liberalism on the process of nation-building in Mexico. In particular, it studies the role of liberalism in the shaping of Mexican thought concerning national identity. It accomplishes this by examining the essayistic production of four major Mexican intellectuals: José María Luis Mora (1794-1850), Gabino Barreda (1818-1881), José Vasconcelos (1882-1959), and Carlos Monsiváis (1938-2010). This dissertation aims to explore how a program deeply rooted in European culture and thought such as liberalism shaped these intellectuals’ interpretations of Mexican culture. The dissertation will also highlight how their work coincided with their pursuit of a governmental system based on liberal principles, along with the urgent need to build a sense of national identity. The first chapter delineates a historical and conceptual framework by borrowing key ideas and definitions of liberal doctrine. Likewise, the chapter traces and contextualizes Mora’s contributions to liberal thought in Mexico during the early stages of Mexico’s independence. The second chapter centers on two periods in Mexican history: the Porfiriato (1876-1910) and the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1911-1921). It focuses on Porfirian views of liberal education, and on the role of the post-revolutionary state in guaranteeing social and economic progress after decades of civil and military unrest. For this purpose, the chapter studies Gabino Barreda's positivist approach to education and Jose Vasconcelos’ views on the role of the state in shaping a national post-revolutionary culture based on the figure of the mestizo: a multiracial, multicultural, national symbol. The third chapter analyzes Carlos Monsiváis' retrospective reading of liberalism in the context of the downfall of the PRI. It shows why Monsiváis rescues the legacy of Jacobin liberalism in an era of globalized neoliberalism. This chapter shows in which ways Monsiváis engages with liberalism to address the question of “lo mexicano.” The conclusion of this dissertation revisits the main ideas deployed in the three chapters and assesses the limits of liberalism to articulate the problem of national identity during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Malgré le nombre et la qualité des travaux sur le néolibéralisme, la pensée néolibérale britannique est encore mal connue aujourd’hui, notamment parce qu’elle est souvent ramenée à sa seule dimension négative, telle qu’elle s’exprime par exemple dans le célèbre essai publié en 1944 par Friedrich Hayek, La route de la servitude, où se trouve développée une critique systématique de toutes les formes d’interventionnisme économique. Afin d’enrichir les recherches existantes, nous avons entrepris de dégager la dimension positive de la pensée néolibérale, à partir d’une enquête terminologique sur les définitions que les néolibéraux donnent du mot néolibéralisme et de ses équivalents, comme libertarianisme. Il apparaît que, loin de prôner le laissez-faire communément imputé aux libéraux classiques, les néolibéraux ambitionnent de mettre en ordre les activités marchandes en fixant le cadre juridique du marché, c’est-à-dire en affinant les lois qui règlementent les comportements des agents économiques, au premier rang desquels se trouvent les grandes entreprises. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ce premier néolibéralisme, théorisé durant l’entre-deux-guerres, subit un mouvement de radicalisation doctrinale qui donne naissance à un second néolibéralisme, moins soucieux de circonscrire juridiquement les comportements des agents économiques que de contraindre constitutionnellement ceux des agents politiques, tenus désormais pour uniques responsables des dysfonctionnements du système capitaliste. Au fil du temps, l’édification du cadre constitutionnel de l’État se substitue par conséquent à la construction du cadre juridique du marché. / Although the field of neoliberal studies is rich with diverse and valuable contributions, British neoliberal thought is still little known today, especially since it is often reduced to its negative dimension, as expressed for example in Friedrich Hayek’s famous 1944 essay, The Road to Serfdom, which systematically criticized all forms of economic interventionism. So as to fill this gap in the current state of research, this study sketches out the positive dimension of neoliberalism, starting with a terminological inquiry into the definitions that neoliberals gave of the word neoliberalism and of its equivalents, such as libertarianism. It appears that far from preaching the kind of do-nothing – or laissez-faire – policies commonly ascribed to classical liberals, neoliberals ambitioned to put economic activities in order by setting the legal framework of the market, that is to say by fine-tuning the laws that regulate the behavior of economic agents – first among whom stand corporations. This first neoliberalism, born during the inter-war period, underwent after the Second World War a process of doctrinal radicalization out of which emerged a second neoliberalism, less concerned with legally constraining the behavior of economic agents than with imposing constitutional restraints on the behavior of political agents, who were from then on seen to be the sole cause of all markets disturbances. Over time, creating the legal framework of the market therefore gave way to building the constitutional framework of the state.

Thesis advisor: Stephen Hudson / This paper analyzes the intellectual rift in the contemporary American conservative movement, focusing on the differences of opinion between classical liberals and national conservatives on economic policy and economic philosophy. Given the precipitous economic malaise of the domestic American economy, and the attendant decay of social cohesion and quality of life for many Americans, the paper proposes that domestic manufacturing offers a distinctively important way of life that is inclusive of the largest possible segments of American workers. This paper finds that nations compete as economic actors, and that sovereign nations have an interest in promoting certain economic outcomes, similar to how other market actors participate in the global market. This paper concludes by affirming that on these grounds, America has an interest in pursuing an industrial policy through the tools of law and public policy. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Philosophy.

Master's thesis describes the development and operations of The Party of Free Citizens. The thesis includes a series of terms, without which party is impossible to categorize. These terms include: liberalism, classical liberalism, libertarianism, capitalism, right-wing, euroscepticism. Thesis also includes analysis of the organizational structure, constitutional documents and political program of The Party of Free Citizens. Last but not least thesis includes summary of election results of The Party of Free Citizens. The aim of master's thesis is to describe the meaning and background of The Party of Free Citizens. To process master's thesis were used internet sources, primarily website of The Party of Free Citizens. In thesis were also used dictionaries, professional political science publications and essayistic literature type.

My master thesis explores classical liberal attitudes towards the Welfare State. It deals especially with concepts developed by the so-called new classical liberals (also called neoclassical liberals) represented by scholars of the Arizona School. I use their ideas to reconstruct free-market liberal theory of social justice, which is then applied to pension reforms in Chile and Sweden. The thesis also recollects critiques of public pension systems by public choice theory scholars, which are then used to explore a nature of the aforementioned pension reforms. In cases of both reforms, these theoretical frameworks are used to evaluate data obtained by a desk research. Relevant documents and also data of international organizations and national statistical offices were used. In its last part, the thesis evaluates primary data obtained by semi-standardized interviews with seven Czech classical liberals and explores their attitudes towards both the free market liberal theory of social justice and pension reforms in Chile and in Sweden. Abstrakt Diplomová práce zkoumá vztah klasického liberalismu k sociálnímu státu. Zabývá se zejména koncepty vyvinutými takzvanými novými klasickými liberály reprezentovanými především badateli arizonské školy. Jejich ideje využívám k rekonstrukci tržně liberální teorie...