<p>From the first to the fifth centuries A.D., the inhabitants of many Roman North African towns went to a <em>macellum</em> to buy food for their dinner banquets. The typical <em>macellum</em> plan consists of an enclosed structure with a peristyle court lined with shops. The archaeological evidence suggests that the Roman North African <em>macella</em> were often bold and innovative variations from the Italian <em>macella</em>.</p> <p>Since many of the Roman North African <em>macella</em> were excavated in the early 1900s, there have been relatively few recent publications and excavations undertaken on these significant buildings. One exception is C. De Ruyt's book, Macellum. Marché alimentaire des Romains (1983). De Ruyt, catalogued the remains of eighty-three <em>macella</em> found in Sicily, Italy, Greece, Turkey, Hungary, England, Spain and North Africa. Additionally, De Ruyt's book includes a detailed study of the origins of the <em>macellum</em> type, information about the market's urban and historical context, and evidence for the varieties of foods sold.</p> <p>This thesis, using De Ruyt's book as the starting point for research on the <em>macellum</em>, focuses specifically on the Roman North African <em>macella</em>, since there are still problems to be resolved concerning these buildings. For example, was there a <em>macellum</em> which was essentially Roman North African in design? Did the market-type in North Africa simply imitate the plans of earlier Italian <em>macella</em>? What does the placement of the <em>macellum</em> within an urban setting tell us about its importance and function? What was the role of patrons in the construction and restoration of these markets?</p> <p>The thesis on Roman North African <em>macella</em> is divided into four chapters: Chronology, Typology, Urban placement and Patronage (euergetism). Archaeological and epigraphical evidence is included for Roman North African <em>macella</em> not listed in De Ruyt's catalogue.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

This thesis is a study of Quintus Smyrnaeus’ Posthomerica, a Greek epic of the third century C.E. written in Greek hexameters in Homeric diction and in a Homeric style and about the post-Iliadic events of the Trojan War. My thesis deals with intertextuality, that is, the relationship between the Posthomerica and the Homeric texts. The Posthomerica has been called a hyper-Homeric text, which has been viewed as a negative trait of the poem. I analyse this Homeric-emulative tendency and discuss the interaction between the cultural and literary influences contemporary to the Posthomerica, and the poem’s overwhelmingly Homeric intertextuality. I assess how Quintus, as a Late Antique reader, reads Homer, and I focus in on the originality and Late Antique interpretative bias of Quintus in his readings and emulation of Homer. Intertextuality points to resemblances and differences, and indicates how a poem that can be called “Homeric” is in fact neo-Homeric in its updating of Homeric ethics, ideologies and poetics. I also discuss throughout the thesis how the Posthomerica is Alexandrian in its indebtedness to Homer. The Posthomerica is a learned text where application of intertextuality by the reader activates and vivifies a poem that has otherwise been dismissed as second-rate. There are four sections in my thesis, all dealing specifically with three separate aspects of poetics. The first section is a study of similes in the Posthomerica. I present a complete statistical analysis of similes in the poem, and compare practice in earlier epics. I then focus on specific examples of similes in the poem, and show how Homeric intertextuality vivifies meaning and characterisation of these similes. Very often the context of the Homeric passage implicated in the Posthomeric simile adds a varying sense and meaning. I also highlight the concern for pattern and structure in the placement of similes in the Posthomerica in a way that derives more from the style of Apollonius Rhodius than Homer. Thus Quintus reads Homer through later Greek epic lenses. My second and third sections are related. I discuss gnomai in the Posthomerica, and present detailed statistics for this understudied area of the poem. I argue that the widespread use of gnomai, particularly in the voice of the primary narrator, provides an ethical thread in the poem, and that the content of these gnomai is non- Homeric, and influenced by Stoicism. Thus within a Homeric-emulative poem we read a recurrent non-Homeric philosophy and ethics carried by gnomai. The third section then focuses on one simile (in Book 14), which, in a very original way, contains a gnome. The simile derives its content from Odyssey 8 and the story of Aphrodite and Ares caught in the act of adultery. I read Quintus updating Homer in this simile and re-presenting the Homeric story with a definite moral, and therefore un-Homeric, emphasis. The fourth section concentrates on ecphrasis and the Shield of Achilles in Posthomerica 5. I show how Quintus presents radically non-Homeric devices within this ecphrasis first narrated in Iliad 18. I argue that this originality within a very Homeric template is reflective of the overall status of the Posthomerica in relation to Homer. I focus in particular on the figure of the Mountain of Arete on the Shield of Achilles, and illustrate how this figure, which is Stoic in its inheritance, behaves as a mise-en-abîme for the key ethical content of the poem found in gnomai. I then discuss the implications of Quintus revising the Homeric Shield of Achilles into a symbol of the Stoic ethics that the Posthomerica, this most “Homeric” of poems, contains. That is the overall focus of this thesis: the interaction of Homeric indebtedness and non-Homeric influences in the Posthomerica.

The most recent, and in many ways the best, text of the Florida of Apuleius is that of P. Vallette in the Budé series (Paris, 1924). I have, however, used the Teubner text by R. Helm (Leipzig, 1910, reprinted with addenda 195 and 1959) as the basis for this Commentary, mainly because of the usefulness of Helm's critical apparatus, which is considerably fuller than Vallette's. I have discussed variant readings where the sense appears to be affected, but I have made no independent study of the MSS. This Commentary makes no claim to be a critical edition. I have been more concerned with interpretation and elucidation than with matters of style, though in an author like Apuleius the two aspects cannot always be separated. A commentary is not, however, the most convenient medium for a stylistic study. I have commented mainly on subject matter, on the language (including points of grammar), and on anything of general or special interest that appeared to throw light on the meaning and intention of the author. In the Introduction I have considered the question of the composition of the Florida. My conclusion is that the passages, as we now have them, are excerpts from an earlier collection made by Apuleius himself, and that the division into four books goes back to this original collection. I have also tried to show that, even in its present mutilated state, the Florida gives a unique insight into Apulelus' manner as a public speaker and his relations with his Carthaginian audience. For convenience, I have inserted the Bibliography at the beginning of the work, so that the reader may more easily refer back to the list of older editions, which are discussed in the first section of the Introduction.

In confining this Commentary to the first 62 sections of the Lucullus my intention has been to make a special study of Antiochus' case against the Academic sceptics. Although this is the only full-length counter-argument against Academic scepticism which we possess (despite the many works written by both aides in a controversy spanning more than two centuries), due attention has not been paid to it. Scholars have tended to use Cicero's work as a source-book for Antiochus' general philosophical views or to confine their attention to the sceptic case. Even if consideration has been given to the dogmatic case as well (as by Stough, Greek Skepticism), there has been a certain bias in favour of the Academic sceptics. This is possibly due to the fact that the scepticism of the Academy has in itself a strong appeal and that it has the final word in Cicero's work. But I do not think that Lucullus' arguments, whatever their shortcomings, are weaker by comparison. The Lucullus is, not only an extremely important philosophical text, it is also one of the most difficult. Reid's Commentary is very valuable but his interest was more literary and general than strictly philosophical. My own Commentary is concerned solely with the philosophical content of the dialogue and takes account of relevant work on Hellenistic philosophy since Reid's edition appeared at the end of the last century, I have tried to place the arguments and philosophical issues in their ancient context, either, by means of plausible inferences where direct evidence is lacking or by reference to classical texts. I am aware that the problem of knowledge is still an issue today and I have made use of some modern works on the subject, in elucidating particular arguments, but, in general, I have limited references to modern philosophy to a minimum in order not to impede understanding of Cicero's text and not to widen excessively the scope of the Commentary. The text used is that of Plasborg (Teubner, Leipzig, 1922).

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2009. / "Graduate Program in Classics." Includes bibliographical references (296-312).

The relationship between Horace and the new regime of Augustus has been the source of many varied opinions. Some critics, especially those of the nineteenth century, have deplored the abandonment of the poet's early Republican principles in favour of the rule of Octavian. [...]

In the study of ‘magic’, whether in the Late Antique world of the Mediterranean or contemporary South Africa, there exists a lacuna in the understanding of conceptions of ‘evil’. This dissertation attempts to fill this lacuna through the use of comparison, comparing ancient Greek conceptions of evil as contained in a selection of six amulets from the third and fourth centuries of the Common Era, written in Greek, with conceptions obtained through interviews with contemporary isiZulu-speakers in KwaZulu-Natal. It begins with the Greek material, teasing out the complex intersecting discourses used in a search for protection from evil through in-depth textual analysis, and then moves on to a similar analysis of the oral ‘texts’ of the Zulu respondents. The way in which these two sets of material interacts is reliant on the fact that the interrogation of attitudes and conceptions in the Zulu material enables a fuller elucidation of the ‘voiceless’ popular discourses underlying the Greek texts. Moving on from analysis of each set of material in relative isolation, the dissertation embarks on a comparison of the various discourses, examining the varying thought-patterns which reflect a broader social context and which are in turn creative of that context. These ‘popular’ voices are then situated in the broader ‘grand narratives’ of their historical context, enabling a further elucidation of the way in which intellectual or codified discourses around the nature of evil intersect with the voices of individuals grappling with them. In a reflection on the nature of the comparative endeavour, the utility of comparison is further highlighted as the means to achieve a greater understanding of both the distant past and the immediate present. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2008. / "Graduate Program in Classics." Includes bibliographical references (p. 307-316).

Thesis (M.A.)--Fu ren da hsüch. / Cover title. Reproduced from ms. Bibliography: p. 93-95.