<p>[missing page 103]</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The "games" - scenic representations, chariot races, gladiatorial combats and athletic displays - played a fundamental role in the Roman world. A great deal has been said on the program and cost of such events, on their social function, on the role of the senatorial elite and emperors as providers of games. These issues, however, can be treated almost only with the city of Rome in view; there is very little in the sources that allows for a study along these lines at the level of the several thousands of cities of the Latin part of the Empire.</p> <p>The main reason for this is easy to identify: ancient authors show very little interest for municipal life and institutions. Our documentation on the production of games at the municipal level happens to be almost entirely composed of inscriptions written in a highly formalized language. This material can be deciphered only by bringing together and studying most or all relevant inscription on a given issue. So far, this has been done mostly according to categories of games; one team of scholars, for example, is presently republishing all inscriptions belonging to the world of the amphitheater: honorary inscriptions recording shows, gladiators' epitaphs, dedications of amphitheaters, &c. Though this approach is commendable in many respects, it has the disadvantage of concealing features shared by the games in general. Accordingly, this dissertation studies the games as displays of the benevolence of the wealthy towards their community. Two broad objectives are set forth: to improve our understanding of the language of the inscriptions so far as the games are concerned, and to determine under what circumstances a production of games is worthy of an epigraphic commemoration. The second of these two objectives is justified by the surprisingly small number of about five hundred relevant inscriptions from the Latin part of the Empire over a period of more than five centuries.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>The focus of this project is the development of a unit of study in Classical Studies for primary students (ages 6-8) in the Elementary School.</p> <p>In the first three chapters, pedagogical concerns are explored as the writer examines her philosophy of education, the psychological base of methodologies used and the context in which she is teaching.</p> <p>Chapters four and five look briefly at educational systems of Ancient Greece which have influenced Western education for more than two millenia, the tradition of classical Studies in the education system and the changes which Archaeology brought to Classical Scholarship in the last century.</p> <p>The final chapter describes a unit of study for primary students which is a culmination of my pedagogical beliefs, writings of a classical author and a study of the social aspects of life in Ancient Greece.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The persuasiveness of Seneca's paraenetic prose-works is owed, in large measure, as Seneca himself is aware (Ep.59.6), to the use of imagery - metaphor, analogy, and simile. As such, this stylistic device suggests itself as an important subject of enquiry. Its significance, however, extends further: in so far as many of Seneca's images are demonstrably traditional, they help in defining the tradition to which these prose-works may belong. In particular, they bear on the question of the relationship of Seneca's prose-works to the so-called 'diatribe', in the paraenetic effect of which imagery plays an important part.</p> <p>D. Steyns (Gand, 1907) and C.S. Smith (Baltimore, 1910), have made limited lists of Senecan prose-imagery without consideration of its sources. F. Husner (Leipzig, 1924) has investigated the sources of Seneca's imagery within the confines of a narrow topic, while appreciating their implications for definition of the tradition of Seneca's moral prose-works. In the present work I apply the same approach in greater depth to the topic of central analysis of the moral prose-works: the state of the Stoic sapiens, of his antithesis - the sinner- and that of the proficiens between them.</p> <p>Part I collects by category of allusion the relevant extended images in the moral prose-works, excluding the fragments. Part II investigates their sources. It is shown that, while the possibility of Seneca's originality cannot be discounted, precedents for his images can be found in the vast majority of cases; that Plato frequently provides an ultimate source, and that some of Seneca's imagery was also used by the Old and Middle Stoa. It is clear, however, that a stock of imagery is shared and passed on between 'diatribists', and that it is primarily from these - mainly via the philosophical schools of contemporary Rome -- that Seneca draws the images of his moral prose-works.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>This thesis considers how ancient authors narrate the story of Europa's rape in such a way as to "place their own mark" on the myth. In chapter one, I explore aspects of the Europa myth that often do not appear in the larger extent works such as Europa's function in religion, the archaeological representations of her rape, and the rationalization of the myth etc. Chapter two provides the audience with the basic outline of the story so that it will be equipped to appreciate the changes each writer makes to the story. As well, the development of the Europa myth over time is considered here. Outlined in chapter three is the approach (i.e. the use of traditional and new tools of literary criticism) I take to investigate the works offered by the ancient writers, beginning first with Moschus' account. An appreciation of the techniques Moschus incorporates is presented in chapter three while in chapter four the poet's elaboration of the ekphrasis and the inclusion of an embedded narrative are examined. The next three chapters (5, 6, and 7) look at Horace's and Ovid's (two) treatments of the rape of Europa, and chapter eight focusses on the versionf of later Greek writers, Achilles Tatius, Lucian and Nonnos. Finally, in chapter nine conclusions are made about the various rape narratives of Europa, especially about trends in the myth's treatments, links and contrasts between versions, and the variety which each writer adds with regard to form, description, tone and characterization. This investigation sheds new light on how ancient authors, when faced with a long tradition of myth telling, go about creating a fresh and entertaining story.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>The 'La Ghorfa' stelae from Roman Africa offer a unique opportunity to study the social and cultural identity of an unusual cult, one that combined aspects of the Punic, Roman, and indigenous cultures. The context and origins of the votive stelae were not recorded upon excavation, but stylistic and iconographic parallels suggest that they come from a part of central Africa Proconsularis known as the pagus Thuscae (Chapter IV), and that they date between the second half of the first century and the first part of the second century A.C. (Chapter V). The pagus Thuscae was a geographic contact point for various cultures in Antiquity, and the 'La Ghorfa' stelae demonstrate that these cultures each contributed to the language, artistry, and religion of the region's inhabitants. Punic, Roman, and indigenous elements appear in the sculptural and epigraphic zones of the stelae, including in the depictions and names of the dedicants (Chapters II and III). Unlike their Punic and Roman predecessors, the dedicants of these ex-votos did not place much significance upon inscriptions; only about one-quarter of the stelae are inscribed, as preserved. Some dedicants portray themselves in the guise of a togate Roman, although only in one instance does the nomenclature in the inscriptions clearly belong to a Roman citizen. In addition, the inscriptions do not name the god or gods to whom these stelae were dedicated, although the sculptural reliefs show a complex combination of gods. The dedicants and their cult come from a stratum of society not normally attested in the archaeological or written record.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>This thesis examines the baths of the domus in Roman Africa. Private baths have long been recognized as an aspect of Roman domestic architecture, whether belonging to the country residence (villa ) or urban residence (domus ) of the wealthy. However, despite the numerous examples of these baths uncovered by archaeological investigation, and in disparate regions of the Roman world, they are not at all understood. It has generally been considered enough to recognize that they are usually small, and their association with the domestic architecture of the rich suggests that these baths are a luxury, and presumably a status symbol. The domestic urban baths of Roman Africa have been selected since they form a geographically restricted group in an area with a well-developed public bathing tradition. The domestic baths are also found in contexts datable throughout the period of Roman provincial control of North Africa. Since the remains are nearly all the discoveries of early excavation technique, and incompletely published, a primary goal is the clarification of their layout and installations. Forty-three examples are identified. They are found in the houses of the wealthy, although the differences between the houses show that many must have belonged to the comfortably off, and only a few to the very wealthiest inhabitants. The baths show variations in size, number of rooms and pools, and decoration, but they follow a basic and practical arrangement. They all contain a full set of bathing rooms, catering to a complete bathing ritual built around a communal bathing routine. An interesting arrangement in some baths permits bathers to enter directly from the street, which suggests that they are not entirely private in use. The differences between the examples illustrate that a variety of reasons prompted the addition of baths to a domus , precluding a common interpretation for the role of domestic baths in urban society in Roman Africa.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>Once believed by many to offer the historian little of value beyond a horrifying, if titillating, glimpse into the Roman psyche, gladiatorial combat is now appreciated as an important expression of Roman cultural priorities. Gladiatorial combat presented the spectator with examples of the key, martial values at the heart of what it meant to be a Roman: skill with arms in actual combat with an opponent, extreme courage in the face of mortal danger, and the rigid discipline necessary to fight and even die in the quest for victory. Since the Roman sense of cultural identity was based to a high degree on shared values and on participation in the same moral universe, gladiatorial combat, which presented in a spectacular and exemplary way many of these fundamental mores , helped in the construction and maintenance of Roman sense of cultural identity. Throughout the Roman world, the presentation of gladiatorial combats went hand-in-hand with the process of Romanization as different groups of people adopted aspects of Roman culture and a sense of Roman identity. But little seems to have changed in the Greek East as a result of Roman conquest and rule. The main exception to this general rule is the prevalence and popularity of gladiatorial combats. This dissertation considers the significance of this key Roman spectacle in Greek society and its impact on Greek culture. The presentation of Roman gladiatorial combat by Greeks for Greeks in the Greek cities of the East was an attempt to locate Roman culture within a Greek civic and ceremonial context. But the values present in gladiatorial combat are the same values at the heart of traditional Greek culture: the values of the gladiator are essentially those of a heroic champion, who fought in single combat to win glory and fame in victory.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>An examination of the archaeological evidence for the urban domus in Roman northern Italy reveals regional characteristics which distinguish it from the prevailing view of the Roman house. The north Italian house is examined in its various parts-entrance area, open areas (atria, courts, peristyles), reception rooms, service and heated areas. Although no single architectural type emerges, comparison with domestic architecture in Campania, at Ostia and other sites in central Italy allows a clearer view of architectural tendencies. The popularity of the atrium-tablinum house of Republican Campania has long been recognized, but new scholarship shows that a variety of interior arrangements co-existed with the dominant atrium house, and underlines the importance of porticoes, peristyles and courts. The peristyle-reception room dyad which replaces the atrium house is considered in its incipient for in Campania, and more fully developed at imperial Ostia.</p> <p>This expanded view of the Roman domus proves useful in studying the often piecemeal evidence from Northern Italy. In contrast to the dominance of the atrium at Pompeii, it is shown that the atrium house appears only infrequently in northern Italy, although examples do exist. Instead, it is apparent that courts and peristyles are more common, and that the latter are especially prominent in northeastern Italy. To further contrast with trends in the rest of Italy, the atrium appears in northwestern Italy in the first century A.C. The growing importance of reception rooms which is seen in the rest of the peninsular Italy is also manifested in the north Italian domus, and is demonstrated by the appearance of colonnaded and apsidal reception rooms.</p> <p>Archaeological evidence for the domus in the other western provinces demonstrates a similar use of the peristyle and portico, and shows that the north Italian house generally follows changes in the provinces more than those seen in the rest of the peninsular Italy. The infrequent use of the atrium and the importance of the peristyle in the north in the early Imperial period at sites such as Aquileia, broaden the definition of the Roman house. Such evidence also recommends a reconsideration of the atrium house as the paradigm of the Roman domus, and demonstrates that in the Imperial period diversity and lack of uniformity are the characteristics of the Roman domestic architecture in both Italy and the western provinces.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>As individuals who fell outside the prevailing norms of society, dwarfs were often regarded as prodigies in antiquity: living amulets as well as instruments of private and public entertainment. The roles assumed by dwarfs in Hellenistic and Roman society are explored through evaluation of literary and archaeological evidence. Most literary citations point to dwarfs as entertainers for wealthy households and their guests and also for public audiences. A catalogue of bronze and terracotta figures represents musicians, dancers, combatants and athletes. An INTRODUCTION and CHAPTER ONE explain the aims of the thesis; describe limitations posed by the nature of surviving material; and review the modern literature. CHAPTER TWO summarises ancient literary testimony (Greek and Latin terms, and functions and perceptions of dwarfs) as well as relevant archaeological material not included in the catalogue. CHAPTERS THREE, FOUR and FIVE focus on iconography, i.e. details of costumes and associated objects. Further considerations include clinical features of dwarfism (CHAPTER SIX); function and significance (CHAPTER SEVEN); and provenience and dating (CHAPTER EIGHT). Following the CONCLUSION, a CATALOGUE lists and describes 185 objects, each with museum and inventory number, bibliography, and proveniences. The archaeological record, although lacking many monuments of secure provenience and date, indicates the widespread popularity of dwarf representations in Egypt, the Mediterranean and continental Europe. They share some similarities. in style, function and subject matter, with those of classical Greece and pre-Ptolemaic Egypt, but at the same time, living dwarfs must survive in a climate of societal rejection which worsens in Hellenistic and Roman times.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)