Dissertation--Sozialwissenschaft--Universität Hamburg, 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 257-290. Notes bibliogr.

In the hedonic coalition formation game model Roles Based Hedonic Games (RBHG), agents view teams as compositions of available roles. An agent's utility for a partition is based upon which role she fulfills within the coalition and which additional roles are being fulfilled within the coalition. I consider optimization and stability problems for settings with variable power on the part of the central authority and on the part of the agents. I prove several of these problems to be NP-complete or coNP-complete. I introduce heuristic methods for approximating solutions for a variety of these hard problems. I validate heuristics on real-world data scraped from League of Legends games.

II Lietuvos Seimas 1923 – 1926 m. Santrauka. Lietuva, 1918 m. paskelbusi nepriklausomybę, pasuko demokratijos keliu. Lietuvos piliečiai galėjo tiesiogiai rinkti atstovus į Seimą, kurie atstovavo jų interesus. Istorikai daugiau tyrė Steigiamojo Seimo veiklą, nes šis Seimas padėjo pamatus tolesniam teisinės valstybės gyvavimui, nemažai tirtas III Seimas dėl savo darbų ir prezidento A. Smetonos įvykdyto valstybės perversmo. II Seimas mažai susilaukė dėmesio, todėl istorikams lieka aktualu užpildyti parlamentarizmo tyrimuose spragas. Šio darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti II Seimo veiklą, nuveiktus darbus. Tikslui pasiekti keliami uždaviniai: 1. pateikti politinės situacijos II Seimo išvakarėse apžvalgą, 2. išanalizuoti II Seimo rinkimų eigą ir rezultatus, 3. pristatyti Seimo kiekybinius ir kokybinius rodiklius, bei 4. aptarti atliktus Seimo darbus vidaus (politinėje, kultūrinėje, ekonominėje ir tautinėje sferoje) ir užsienio politikoje. Pirmajame Seime (1922 – 1923 m.) iš 78 Seimo narių – 38 buvo krikščionys demokratai (pozicija), o kita dalis opozicinės frakcijos. Toks skaičius lėmė, kad opozicija ir pozicija negal���jo tinkamai dirbti. Opozicija ginčijo Respublikos prezidento, vyriausybės išrinkimo teisėtumą (legitimumą), nesutardavo svarbiais klausimais. Todėl prezidentas A. Stulginskis 1923 kovo 13 d. paleido I Seimą. 1923m. gegužės 12-13 d. įvyko rinkimai į Antrąjį Seimą, kurie parodė, kad šį kartą rinkėjai buvo aktyvesni. Antrajame Seime daugiausia vietų iškovojo krikščionių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The second Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania 1923 - 1926 Raimundas Trinkūnas Summary Lithuania, declared its independency in 1918, turned to the democracy way. Lithuanians were able to elect representatives directly to Seimas, who represented their interests. Historians started studying more about Constituve Seimas work, because this Seimas put the base for the further life of the juridical state existence, the III Seimas was researched quite in an intensive way as well because of its works and the revolution carried out by the president A. Smetona. The II Seimas got quite little attention. Due to that, it is of present interest to historians to fill the gaps in the researches of parliamentarism. The aims of this work – to analyze the movement and achieved works of the II Seimas. These tasks are raised in order to reach the aim: 1) to produce the review of the II Seimas Eve political situation; 2) to analyze the II Seimas election course and results; 3) to present the quantitive and qualitive indexes of Seimas, and: 4) to discuss about Seimas achieved works in inner (political, cultural, economical and national sphere) and foreign policy. From the 78 Seimas members in the First Seimas (1922-1923) – 38 members were Christian Democrats (position), and the others were opposition fractions. Because of such a number, position and opposition couldn’t work in a proper way. The opposition argued about Republic president, state election legitimacy, and disagreed about important... [to full text]

This dissertation examines the characteristic features and problems of a party/movement as they pertain to the Family Coalition Party of British Columbia (FCP). The FCP is a minor provincial political party in British Columbia that was founded in 1991 to provide a formal political voice for pro-life and pro-family supporters in the province. After years of frustrated activism within the pro-life and pro-family movements and ineffectual political representation, the founders of the FCP sought to establish a political access point that could provide a more direct route to the province's political decision-making process. The result was the formation of the Family Coalition Party, a conservative political organization that supports social policies which are resolutely pro-life and promote a vision for the restoration of what is understood as the traditional family. The primary goal of the party is the advancement and implementation of such policies, with electoral success pursued as a secondary goal. This agenda renders the FCP an organization that uses a political party form to perform social movement work or functions. In this regard, the FCP exhibits the hybrid duality of a party/movement in the tradition of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation and the Green Parties of Canada and Germany. In developing a sociopolitical and ideological profile of the Family Coalition Party and its politics of the family, its historical roots are traced back to the conservative political writings of Edmund Burke and brought forward to the current era of late twentieth century neoconservatism. The pro-family movement (PFM), of which the FCP is a part, is examined comparatively in the United States, where it exists in its most mature form under the auspices of such Christian Right organizations as the Christian Coalition, and in British Columbia, where the movement remains in a state of relative political infancy and organizational disunity. Despite the disparities in organizational maturation, the movements in both countries share a high degree of ideological resonance concerning their opposition to feminism, abortion, euthanasia, and reproductive technologies, and their support for increased parental control in education, programmes that will promote the traditional family, and a minimalist state. To understand the duality of the Family Coalition Party as a party/movement, it is first analyzed as a social movement organization (SMO) and then as a minor party in Canadian politics. Using contemporary social movement theory, the Family Coalition Party is found to exhibit the same traits and problems as those typically characteristic of the New Social Movements, despite the ideological disparities between the two. To this end, the FCP can be understood as a sub-type of New Social Movement, a Resurgence Movement, as it attempts to simultaneously resist one type of social change while promoting another by working to re-establish a diminishing set of normative cultural beliefs. As a minor political party of protest, the FCP, with reference to relevant political science research, is seen to embody the motivations, features and difficulties of minor parties as evidenced in the Social Credit League, the CCF, and the Green Party. In this regard the emergence of the FCP is symptomatic of a cadre party system that fails to adequately represent issues important to an aggrieved segment of the population and also experiences the institutional obstacles of the Westminster parliamentary model of political representation. In examining the FCP as a party/movement, four ways of analytically relating political parties and social movements are reviewed before a fusionist perspective is used to identify the characteristic features and problems of party/movements. Three sources of tension (organizational, institutional and cultural) are subsequently identified. These tensions are one of two types: they are either difficulties unique to party/movements, created by the deliberate fusing of party form with movement function; otherwise, they are problems common to every SMO or minor political party striving to achieve political legitimacy and potency. For party/movements, the challenge of resolving this latter set of problems is exacerbated beyond the level of difficulty experienced by single identity organizations precisely because of their dual identity. The experience of other party/movements, such as the CCF and the Green Parties of Canada and Germany, suggests that their specific tensions make it difficult to maintain a dual identity, with a drift towards either political institutionalization or dissolution likely, if not inevitable. While the Family Coalition Party is presently maintaining its party/movement nature, its future as such is in doubt unless the tensions of fusion that it now faces are effectively managed.

The purpose of this study was to document and analyze the current state of student learning outcomes assessment by administrators in adult accelerated degree completion programs (AADCPs) in management and business-related majors within the Coalition for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU). The study was descriptive in nature; it described the various methods employed by administrators to determine what adults in their accelerated degree completion programs have learned in their course of study.The study found that assessment in AADCPs is influenced by a variety of internal and external bodies. Regional accreditation associations, AADCP faculty, college/university faculty, and non-AADCP faculty exercise influence on assessment processes and practices. AADCP administrators do not have a clear consensus regarding the influence of state education oversight bodies on assessment practices and processes.AADCPs use a variety of methods to assess student outcomes and to evaluate the effectiveness of individual courses. Assessment methods used in AADCPs include: student surveys/course evaluations, summary projects/papers, weekly assignments (graded or for discussion only), faculty assessment of group and/or individual outcomes, and final exams. More than half the AADCPs in this study utilize three or more persons to review outcomes of individual courses.AADCPs use a variety of assessment methods to evaluate overall program effectiveness. Assessment instruments include: student attitudinal surveys, capstone research projects, internally and externally-developed instruments, faculty and employer surveys, and standardized tests. Assessment instruments designed to measure cognitive outcomes (e.g., ETS Major Field Test in Business) are not widely used in CCCU AADCPs. Nearly three quarters of the AADCPs in this study utilize three or more persons to review assessment of program effectiveness.Results of this study indicate that many AADCPs are making substantial attempts to assess outcomes of individual courses and of their programs using multiple assessment instruments and multiple reviewers. However, assessment efforts tend to focus on affective and behavioral outcomes rather than cognitive, content outcomes. Few AADCPs in the CCCU are giving serious attention to the assessment of cognitive outcomes. More research based on the findings of this study are suggested. / Department of Educational Leadership

Thesis--Columbia University. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [227]-277. Also available in digital form on the Internet Archive Web site.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 182-193).

Thesis (DPhil)--University of Stellenbsoch, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the Internet.

Thesis--Columbia University. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [227]-277.

Thesis--Wisconsin. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-425).