This study is about the history of a family-owned business. In Taiwan, there are not many researches talking about the company history which are very useful and important to discover what makes a business thriving or failure."Taisun¡¨ is a family-owned business which is famous on producing ¡§Salad Oil¡¨ controlled by Zhan family and is observed to discover how this family keeps their business thriving as the industry structure changes. The research method is to gather information about Taisun from the historical data¡Bnews reports¡Bmagazines and interviews, and then to analyze the development stages of Taisun. This study covers the business performance review ¡Bthe business developing processes¡Bbusiness diversification and the leadership of the business controller. ¡§Business Transition¡¨ and ¡§Transfer Issue¡¨ were found two challenges to Taisun in the future. The food industry is in the mature period so that Taisun tries hard to lead business transition into the correct direction and keep the business alive. In the other hand, the organization becomes aged and there are difficulties to appeal to high-educated candidates, generation transfers would be an important issue for Taisun in the future.

This thesis focuses on Litchurch, the railway suburb of Derby, the headquarters of the Midland Railway Company and its workforce, during the period 1840-1900, It examines the consequences of factory paternalism and company loyalty for the construction of 'community', exploring the connections between work, family, and wider social and political life. It begins by looking at Derby as a county town where an early alliance between Whigs and Liberals resulted in the political dominance of the town by a group of Liberal-radical textile manufacturers as a form of extended factory village. There is then a discussion of railway paternalism which investigates the many differences between the family firm and the corporate railway company. The relationship between the railways and the state is examined, through the twin theorization of the railway within the state-intrinsic to national integrity and as a state in microcosm- a form of space management derived from military and civil government. The role of Derby as headquarters of the M.R.is then considered: its decision making and service function; the technological mix of productive techniques; and the distinctive relationship between public and private space. A model of company loyalty based on the experience of the physical and organizational space of the railway company is developed through the notions of the career and the appropriation to the self of organisational space, the 'bailiwick'. The spatial and social structure of Litchurch is examined and its marriage and residence patterns. In the discussion of social institutions, churches, recreation and self-help, the tensions are explored between vertical integration and horizontal stratification which are intrinsic to corporate culture. The extent and limits of collective action in terms of local and national consciousness are then considered. A model of community is then proposed, founded on the routine practices of everyday life, which recognises the multiplicity of motivations and experiences subsumed within the symbolic affirmations of collective solidarity. It concludes with an examination of the antagonism between the county town of Derby, with its history and expectations of paternal intervention, and the corporate Midland Railway 1 which was economically, socially and politically independent of local systems.

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Remnants of railroad logging camps, and their associated features, are perhaps some of the most common archaeological resources found on public lands in the Pacific Northwest. Many camps have already been located, their cultural materials inventoried, and networks of logging railroad grades mapped. Yet, despite these efforts, little can be said about the people who made those transportable communities their homes. This study focuses on the social and physical conditions of railroad logging camps of the Shevlin-Hixon Company of Bend, Oregon, from the company's inception in 1916 until it ceased operations in 1950. Historical literature combined with oral history interviews are used to describe camp movement and physical layout, living accommodations, community amenities, and the kind of social life Shevlin-Hixon logging camps offered its residents. The information presented here not only presents a historical picture of a community that no longer exists but should provide future researchers, particularly cultural resource specialists, with a rudimentary model by which to assess similar railroad logging camps and features throughout the Pacific Northwest. / Graduation date: 1998

This dissertation begins in 1821, when the Hudson's Bay Company took over the Columbia Department from the North West Company, which since 1813 had exported a single commodity (peltries) from the watersheds of two great rivers (the upper Fraser and lower Columbia) to two markets (London and Canton). This fur trade appeared at first so unpromising that the Hudson's Bay Company considered abandoning the lower Columbia region in 1821. Instead of doing so, between 1821 and 1843, the Hudson's Bay Company consolidated its operations in the Columbia Department through the application of a number of venerable commercial policies of the Canadian fur trade. The company extended its fur trading activities to all the major rivers of the region, from the Taku in the north to the Sacramento in the south. To support this massive trade extension the company developed large-scale provision trades in agricultural produce and salmon on the lower Columbia and Fraser rivers. Environmental and cultural conditions favoured these developments. The company also took advantage of the possibility of seaborne transport to develop markets at Oahu (Hawaii), Yerba Buena (San Francisco), and Sitka. To these places the company exported, on its Pacific fleet of ships, a range of country produce from the west coast, especially lumber and salmon. By 1843 the company had developed a new regional economy based on local commodities and Pacific markets; fur continued to be sent to London on an annual vessel. These new exports, and this new regional economy, depended on Native labour in addition to a permanent non-Native workforce of about 600. The company in several places colonized the Native economy and redirected its produce to foreign markets. In 1843 the trade in fur remained—despite the emergence of profitable new export trades—the company's major source of profit from the Columbia Department. The dissertation ends in 1843 when, fearing the possibility of an unfavourable boundary settlement, the company established Fort Victoria to serve as new departmental headquarters, at the same time inaugurating a considerable northward realignment of company activities on the Pacific. At this new post the fur trade would be a minor activity; company officials intended to develop a wide range of resources on Vancouver Island, all of them involving the hiring of Native workers. Increasingly, with the help of Native labour and trade, the company embarked on policies of resource development and extension of commerce on the coast, while the interior districts produced only fur. Difficulties of transport and distance from market prevented similar developments in the company's districts east of the Rocky Mountains.

The dissertation examines how image-making, a common pastime, was made common. It investigates the ways in which the production and consumption of images in the context of the North American family contributed to the development of a distinctly domestic and privatized visual culture, and the transformation of the home into a site for privatized spectatorship. / Four cultural forms (No. 1 Kodak, Box Brownie, Cine Kodak and Cine Kodak 8) are specified in this development, all pioneered by the Eastman Kodak Company. The dissertation traces Eastman Kodak's direct involvement in the popularization of image practices. It analyzes strategies used by them to make this possible, namely an appeal to the becoming lifestyles of the bourgeois and middle-classes. / The analysis links the popularization of image-making and consuming practices to other popular amusements (i.e. cycling, cinema-going) to work against an artifact-centred analysis. Issues of gender and generation are critically evaluated as concepts used to instill image-making as a popular, family practice. Shifts in modern temporal and spatial experience, as well as mobility are also explored in relation to popular image-making.

This dissertation begins in 1821, when the Hudson's Bay Company took over the Columbia Department from the North West Company, which since 1813 had exported a single commodity (peltries) from the watersheds of two great rivers (the upper Fraser and lower Columbia) to two markets (London and Canton). This fur trade appeared at first so unpromising that the Hudson's Bay Company considered abandoning the lower Columbia region in 1821. Instead of doing so, between 1821 and 1843, the Hudson's Bay Company consolidated its operations in the Columbia Department through the application of a number of venerable commercial policies of the Canadian fur trade. The company extended its fur trading activities to all the major rivers of the region, from the Taku in the north to the Sacramento in the south. To support this massive trade extension the company developed large-scale provision trades in agricultural produce and salmon on the lower Columbia and Fraser rivers. Environmental and cultural conditions favoured these developments. The company also took advantage of the possibility of seaborne transport to develop markets at Oahu (Hawaii), Yerba Buena (San Francisco), and Sitka. To these places the company exported, on its Pacific fleet of ships, a range of country produce from the west coast, especially lumber and salmon. By 1843 the company had developed a new regional economy based on local commodities and Pacific markets; fur continued to be sent to London on an annual vessel. These new exports, and this new regional economy, depended on Native labour in addition to a permanent non-Native workforce of about 600. The company in several places colonized the Native economy and redirected its produce to foreign markets. In 1843 the trade in fur remained—despite the emergence of profitable new export trades—the company's major source of profit from the Columbia Department. The dissertation ends in 1843 when, fearing the possibility of an unfavourable boundary settlement, the company established Fort Victoria to serve as new departmental headquarters, at the same time inaugurating a considerable northward realignment of company activities on the Pacific. At this new post the fur trade would be a minor activity; company officials intended to develop a wide range of resources on Vancouver Island, all of them involving the hiring of Native workers. Increasingly, with the help of Native labour and trade, the company embarked on policies of resource development and extension of commerce on the coast, while the interior districts produced only fur. Difficulties of transport and distance from market prevented similar developments in the company's districts east of the Rocky Mountains. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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"April 2004" / Bibliography: leaves 319-342. / viii, 387 leaves : ill., maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2004