But the central focus will be to explore the foreign policy transition by reflecting the theory that even though international and regional political developments had an impact on the foreign policy transition of the ANC, the internal and domestic political struggles that had evolved during the same time-frame as both the international and regional political developments also had major contributions to the foreign policy transition of the movement. Within this context, the study will also explore the preliminary contours of a post-apartheid foreign policy as perceived by the ANC as to how the country will be reintegrated into the political and economic world order.

D.Litt. et Phil. / Very little has been written on this subject, especially during the exile period, which is covered by the research. As a result, a lacuna exists in our understanding of 20th century history of the liberation struggle in South Africa. This study is an attempt to reconstruct aspects of the missing link. It locates the exile history of the Pan Africanist Congress within a broader framework of political developments in Southern Africa. By so doing a wide canvas of factors essential to the colouring of this period are brought to the fore. The study therefore focuses on the internal conflicts in the PAC and how they impacted on the functioning of the organisation during the exile period. The thesis traces the events which led to the banning of the PAC and demonstrates how the organisation re-established itself in exile. Most importantly, it focuses on a critical period which existing scholarly works and even popular literature has overlooked, i.e. the period between 1960 to 1962. The thesis traces the re-formation of the PAC’s official infrastructure in Lesotho. It proceeds to examine the organisational developments and internal conflicts at the headquarters of the PAC in Tanzania from 1964 to 1990. It examines sources of conflict during various periods of leadership, i.e. from P.K. Leballo (1962 - 1979), Vusumzi Make period (1979-1981), Nyathi John Pokela (1981-1985) to Johnson Mlambo (1985-1990). In the last two chapters the thesis examines conditions inside PAC camps and the evolution of the PAC’s military strategy as sources of conflict. In all the chapters, the permeating theme is that the PAC lacked solid organisational foundations, which manifested in the lack of clear organisational policies respected by everyone, including the leadership of the organisation. The thesis concludes that the history of the PAC in exile is an example of how poor organisational structures can immobilize the progress of a liberation movement. / Prof. G. Verhoef

The failed projects of modernism and post-modernism leaves a theoretical void. More specifically the author takes issue with the apparent purposelessness of architecture. At the outset of this project the author ventured a Faustian attempt at relevance. Appendix A is a speculative description of architecture as a market deliverable - a consumer product. It proposes a design method adapted to a production-line view of architectural production. In this view the architect is an integrator of ideas, constraints, processes, implications - his main deliverable is a drawing. However, during the course of researching and designing this scheme even these sentiments were found not to be watertight. Inevitably the discourse degenerated into questions of poetics and spontaneity, character and meaning, liveliness and above all - Design. The term ‘design’ mentioned here refers to the same idea encountered among pre-graduate architectural students and lay-people - consumers of architectural pornography. Design in the sense: “Can you add some design to our house. Design in the sense: “No, it doesn’t matter if it works or not - I just want to know what it’s going to look like”. The architect is the queerly dressed individual with dark-framed glasses always dressed in black - a designer, a critic, a satirist, an esoteric. At the 2005 UIA congress in Istanbul Peter Eisenmann prophesied the end of this concept of the role of architecture. Our fascination with the ocular - the image - came to a climax with 9/11. Assuming a cyclic trend he predicts that the importance of the visual spectacle will wane (Sobuwa, 2005). It is clear therefore that selling architecture to the free-market gives us a profession that is relevant but not essential. The architect is a fashion designer - his most valuable asset is his opinion packaged in reputation. His career is built on benevolent clients, dedicated to the cause of ‘good architecture’, which he meets through ‘contacts’. Here is a movement away from art - which uses a moral language to describe itself - pure forms, honest use of materials, truth, god is in the... etc - and therefore unfit for the free market (since money still resides outside moral good despite Ayn Rand’s every effort) - towards craft - which is fundamentally a method. The architect therefore does not ask why?, or in what manner? but how? The architectural craft, the acquisition of which is deemed to be the main quest of tertiary architectural education is then appropriated as a design method. This design method is a system of sequential activities manifesting nonsequential thinking and can be graphically expressed as in Figure 1. The project presented here is an attempt to apply this method. / Dissertation (MArch (Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Architecture / unrestricted

The effectiveness and the sustainability of the Holy Roman Empire remained a subject of debate over the past two centuries. While nationalist historians derided the lack of centralized institutions, revisionist historians after the Second World War largely stressed the positive aspects of the Empire. The Reichskammergericht and the Reichshofrat were two of the institutions that experienced this positive reassessment. While most historians focused on the effectiveness of the Reich courts during the existence of the Empire, few have examined the perception of the courts immediately after the demise of the Empire in 1806. This thesis analyzes the perception of the courts through the eyes of leading politicians (including Humboldt, Hardenberg, and Stein) to reinforce the argument that these institutions were valued. Since the courts played a pivotal role in the Holy Roman Empire, it is more than likely that these individuals had a generally favorable view of the Holy Roman Empire as well. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (MA)--Florida Atlantic University, 2021. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

This dissertation project unpacks a micro- and macro-level behavioral quandary: the constraint of member-level motivations on majority party agenda setting strategies, existing in policy contexts that generate internal divisions within political parties. In particular, I do this through the lens of immigration reform. At the micro-level, I explore the district-level mechanisms that drive House members’ voting behavior on roll-calls that expand/contract immigration rights. I argue that the existing decision-making literature on immigration policy has paid scant attention to an important district-level factor: industry demand for immigrant labor. Models of legislative behavior surrounding immigration policy have, to date, largely focused on the descriptive characteristics of constituencies, often overlooking the moneyed interests that benefit from immigrant labor. The micro-level examines the interplay between district-level industry preferences and district-level economic concerns relating to the presence of immigrants (e.g., welfare, healthcare, low-skill labor market). I analyze final passage, immigration-related roll-calls during the 88th to 112th Congresses. I find that the greater the district-level industry demand for immigrant labor, the more likely a House member is to expand immigration rights generally; and, as days to an election decrease, this effect is magnified. Furthermore, the member’s party affiliation offers less predictive power (relative to other policy domains) regarding the member’s support/opposition to expanding immigration rights, especially in the modern era; thus, making parties unstable coalitions in immigration policy. At the macro-level, I further examine the consequences of these individual-level forces on agenda setting strategies. I unpack the strategic considerations of U.S. House majorities in structuring the agenda on immigration reform. Subject to multiple, potentially competing principals, rank-and-file legislators often face difficult countervailing forces in this policy domain (e.g., well-organized lobbies, advocacy groups, and constituency pressures), all of which generate internal divisions within political parties. These divisions present unique challenges to party leaders when setting the legislative agenda, as they seek to forward legislation that is likely to yield policy victories to a (relatively) cohesive majority party. Under what conditions, then, does the majority party push immigration bills to the floor? I rely on the logic of a cartelized agenda and conduct a multinomial logistic regression analysis, arguing that individual-level dynamics affect support for policies, and the results of variation at the aggregate-level increase support for bills to make it onto the agenda. My findings support aid argument and offer important insights into the incremental changes that occur in the immigration policy domain. In totality, this project helps to bridge the legislative behavior and agenda setting literatures with the literature on public policy. I look at these literatures through the lens of immigration policy – a unique and salient domain. / Political Science

This study extends the research done by Winders (2001) and Orden et al. (1999) on the passage of the 1996 farm bill, the Federal Agriculture Improvement and Reform Act (FAIR). Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, I argue that Democrats and Republicans were affected differently by a number of influences. Democratic members of Congress appear to have been influenced most by state or district dependence on federal agriculture payments and the timing of the farm bill debate. Party control, on the other hand, seemed to have had a greater impact on Republicans. / Master of Arts

The topic of diploma thesis is Winning and organization of congresses in business. The beginning of the thesis is addressed to the congress tourism in general. This segment is characterized by a number of specifics compared to the classic tourism. Practical part is focused on analysis of the Czech Republic and especially Prague as an appropriate congress destination and convenient field for current business. Further analysis includes winning of congress events. The last part of diploma thesis is aimed at description of preparation and organization of congress event in general and detailed depiction of two specific international congress events.

This thesis analyses and evaluates the Czech Republic's position on the international congress tourism market, on the basis of international congress tourism statistics on one hand, and in terms of congress infrastructure quality in Czech Republic on other hand.

This thesis is focused on the congress tourism in Prague, which is the main congress destination of the Czech Republic. The first part aims to characterize and to map congress tourism in Prague with an emphasis on the potential of Prague as a congress destination. The thesis also describes the mechanisms of both domestic and foreign congress tourism market, including subjects, which operate on them. The subject of the next part is a comparison with selected congress destinations. The last part will focus on analysis of a company GUARANT International, which is representative of the professional congress organizer in Prague. The aim of the analysis is to assess the company's position in the domestic and foreign markets, for which competition analysis will be used. The last part will be a SWOT analysis and the results will be compared with the new company strategy.

The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.