Emmanuel Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other gives rise to a number of researches in the field of philosophy, and it is applied to the field of literature. Taking Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other as a frame, from the perspective of phenomenology, I try to discuss the theme of conflict in the three plays by the three eighteenth-century female playwrights¡X Mary Delarivier Manley¡¦s Lucius (1717), Eliza Haywood¡¦s Fair Captive (1721), and Elizabeth Inchbald¡¦s Such Things Are (1787). This study focuses not only on the tension between the oppressor and the oppressed, but also on the situation and reaction of the oppressed, especially on the situation and reaction of the conquered women while they confront the persecution. Chapter One is background introduction, which includes twentieth-century theories on the Other, and Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other. Theories of the Other are related to the fields of philosophy, anthropology, psychoanalysis, and post-colonialism; however, the focus of this dissertation is Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other. Levinas asserts the rivalry between the Self and the Other from a phenomenologist point of view. With Levinas as a major approach, this chapter discusses the rival phenomenon between the Self and the Other as represented in the three female playwrights¡¦ dramas. Chapter Two deals with a discussion on the Other in Manley¡¦s Lucius, or the First Christian King of Britain. This discussion is concerned with the confrontation between the conqueror, the Britons and the conquered, the Picts during Roman Britain. The reaction of the conquered, as well as the shifting identity of the conquered caused by the changed circumstances are also my main concern. Chapter Three is concerned with an analysis of the Other in Haywood¡¦s Fair Captive. I analyze the Self¡¦s violence against the Other, the Turks¡¦ persecution against the Spaniards, which results from racial and religious differences as exposed during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-14). One of the ideas I focus on is men¡¦s oppression against women, either in the Islamic or in the Christian world, due to gender relations involved with a male maltreatment of women which is rooted in the patriarchal system and commonly exists in eighteenth-century Europe. Chapter Four studies the discourse on the Other in Inchbald¡¦s Such Things Are. I discuss the Orientalist perspective of Inchbald regarding the Sumatrans, the tension between the Self and the Other as represented in the interaction of the Britons and the Sumatrans, along with the tension between the master and the slave on the colonial level, as well as on the patriarchal level, as exercised in colonial society. The final chapter concludes this dissertation with an emphasis on the relationship between the Self and the Other. The Eighteenth-century England encountered a variety of political and cultural problems. Within the country, England had ethnic problems, though she had accomplished the Union with Scotland in 1707. Outside the country, England was forced to face her political Other, France, though the English appreciated and imitated French culture. Her two parties¡X the Tories and the Whigs, who maintained contradictory opinions in dealing with political issues¡X also caused instability in the political arena. Meanwhile, the political tension never mitigated when England endeavored to expand her territory into other countries, especially into India in order to implement her colonialism. Cultural differences result in either reciprocal or rival relationship between two peoples. In their rivalry, the Self has a desire for or a fear of the Other. Such a cultural phenomenon--the Self¡¦s desire for or fear of the Other-- is presented in the plays of many eighteenth-century female playwrights. This dissertation argues that when the Self alters his center-orientation and terminates seeking mastery over the Other, it is possible to put an end to their rivalry, just as Levinas indicates: Unless we attribute to the essence of free will a propensity for the rational, and, thus, a respect for universal, thanks to which the imperative and the normative of the intelligible would impose themselves on the free will of reach, consenting to limit itself in such a way as not to limit others. (Alterity and Transcendence 147-48) Manley¡¦s Lucius, Haywood¡¦s Fair Captive, and Inchbald¡¦s Such Things Are all illustrate this siltuation.

A presente pesquisa versa sobre o estudo de políticas públicas de enfrentamento às drogas adotadas no Brasil, com vista a apresentar estratégias jurídicas que subsidiem os entes políticos a criarem programas de enfrentamento ao crack. Na pesquisa, foram utilizadas bases normativas que estruturam a política de drogas, em especial o programa do Governo Federal Crack, é possível vencer, de amplitude nacional, adotado no Brasil em todas as capitais dos Estados e Municípios com população superior a 200 mil habitantes, a partir de 2010. No capítulo um, apresentaram-se os modelos de enfrentamento às drogas – modelos proibicionista, abolicionista e de redução de danos – a fim de subsidiar o estudo do programa Crack, é possível vencer e apresentar estratégias a serem utilizadas em quaisquer programas de enfrentamento ao crack. Partiu-se de uma análise da proteção aos direitos sociais previstos na Constituição Federal de 1988, bem como a tutela específica à saúde e à assistência social. O segundo capítulo investigou a teoria jurídica acerca das políticas públicas e as bases conceituais que apresentam as políticas públicas de drogas, bem como a polêmica sobre a internação não voluntária e o primeiro mapeamento do perfil de usuários e dependentes de crack no País, realizado pela Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, em 2013. O capítulo três descreveu os eixos estruturantes do programa Crack, é possível vencer, analisando os pontos de desarticulação do programa que comprometem sua plena efetivação, tratando-se do ponto central da tese. Por fim, no capítulo quatro, construíram-se proposições para rearticulação do programa, com a finalidade de contribuir para o aprofundamento dos estudos sobre o tema e subsidiar possíveis intervenções nas políticas públicas de drogas em execução. A metodologia empregada na pesquisa é a dedutiva, com a aplicação das técnicas de investigação documental e análise do referencial teórico, investigando particularmente a teoria que subsidia a construção das políticas públicas e a base normativa e documental do Programa Crack, é possível vencer. As conclusões extraídas do problema proposto apresentam como ponto de desarticulação do programa: necessidade de melhor diagnóstico prévio para identificação do público a ser atendido e definição das ações a serem adotadas; ampliação do programa, a fim de contemplar municípios com menos de 200 mil habitantes; necessidade de participação da sociedade civil no planejamento e na execução do programa, como critério para a sua legitimidade no Estado Democrático de Direito; falta de interesse dos gestores municipais em aderir ao programa; dificuldade de articulação entre os três eixos estruturantes do programa: cuidado, autoridade e prevenção; precariedade das redes do Sistema Único de Saúde – SUS e Sistema Único da Assistência Social – SUAS; necessidade de ampliação dos setores que compõem o programa; monitoramento e avaliação do programa e investimentos financeiros insuficientes para sua execução. / This research is about the study of coping with public policies on drugs adopted in Brazil, aiming to present the legal strategies that support the political entities to create confronting programs to crack. In the survey the normative base that supports the drug policy was used, especially the federal government Crack program, it's possible to win, of national extensive and adopted in all the capitals of the states and cities with a population over 200,000 inhabitants. In chapter one the models to confronting drugs were presented - prohibitionist, abolitionist and harm reduction models - in order to support the study of the Crack program, it is possible to win and present strategies to be used in any confrontation program to crack. The protection of social rights under the Federal Constitution of 1988 was analyzedas well as the specific protection to health and social care. The second chapter investigated the legal theory about public policies and the conceptual foundations of public drug policies as well as the controversy over the non-voluntary hospitalization and the first user profile mapping and crack addicts in the country conducted by the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation. Chapter three described the structural axes of the Crack program, it's possible to win, analyzing the dismantling of parts of the program that compromise its full realization, as it is the main topic of the thesis. Finally, in chapter four, proposals for re-articulation of the program were built, in order to contribute to further studies and subsidize possible interventions in public policy drug running. The methodology used in the research is deductive, with the application of documentary research techniques and theoretical framework, investigating the theory that supports the construction of public policies and normative basis and document the Crack program, it's possible to win. The conclusions drawn from the proposed issue presented as dislocation point of the program: the need for prior diagnosis for identifying the public to be served and size of the actions; expansion of the program in order to include cities with less than 200,000 inhabitants; need for civil society participation in planning and program implementation; lack of interest of municipal managers in joining the program; difficulty understanding among the three structural axes of the program: care, authority and prevention; precarious UHS networks - Unified Health System and USSA - Unique System of Social Assistance; need for expansion of the sectors that make up the program; monitoring and evaluating the program and insufficient financial investment for their implementation.

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-30T15:30:29Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Valeria Tatsch_Dissertacao.pdf: 1474536 bytes, checksum: 583ac07c5e92dfa2ade067e7bbe14c67 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T15:30:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Valeria Tatsch_Dissertacao.pdf: 1474536 bytes, checksum: 583ac07c5e92dfa2ade067e7bbe14c67 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / O objetivo central deste trabalho está pautado na análise da implementação da Política de Redução de Danos, através do estudo de caso do Programa “Crack; é possível vencer” no Centro de Atenção Psicossocial de álcool e drogas - CAPs ad e no Centro de Redução de Danos no município de Pelotas. Para alcançar esse objetivo, identificou-se a capacitação, concepção e conhecimento dos policy makers e burocratas de rua responsáveis pela execução da Política de Redução de Danos em Pelotas/RS, bem como a capacidade dos espaços de decisão disponíveis aos atores sociais envolvidos nessa política. Analisamos os recursos (tempo, materiais e recursos humanos) para colocar essas ações em prática no Centro de Redução de Danos e no Centro de Atenção Psicossocial- álcool e outras drogas de Pelotas/RS. Para fazer a análise qualitativa, adotou-se o modelo de Ciclo de Política de Howlett et al. (2013), focando no estágio da implementação. A circunscrição ao “Programa Crack é Possível Vencer” no município de Pelotas permitiu discutir a ambiguidade presente nas políticas públicas de tratamento aos usuários de drogas, uma vez, que em sua formulação está prevista medidas que caracterizam a estratégia de Redução de Danos e que caracterizam as práticas proibicionistas e manicomiais herdadas de modelos anteriores de políticas públicas. Assim, a etapa de implementação deste programa é vista como crucial para definição de qual concepção está caracterizando a política pública de tratamento aos usuários de drogas. Os resultados encontrados apontam para a adesão dos policy-makers locais e dos burocratas de rua aos princípios e valores incutidos na política de redução de danos, o que lhes permite identificar a contradição da opção manicomial e de internação hospitalar. Pode-se afirmar que a capacitação é o grande diferencial dos profissionais que atuam na implementação da política, pois permite a clareza dos objetivos e consonância com seus princípios. Os espaços de decisão que permitem a autonomia desses decisores locais, também, é outro fator que se destaca como ponto forte, pois permite o replanejamento da política pública. Além disso, há um compromisso para com a implementação do Programa “Crack; é possível vencer” no município em decorrência da falta de capacidade institucional dos agentes implementadores. Para finalizar, chama atenção à responsabilidade que o poder de discricionariedade dos burocratas de rua tem sobre o sucesso ou fracasso da política pública de redução de danos. / The main objective of this work was guided by the analysis of the conformity of the Política de Redução de Danos (Harm Reduction Policy) and its implementation in the city of Pelotas, Brazil, through the program Crack: é Possível Vencer (Crack; you can win). To achieve this aim, it identified the training, design, and knowledge’s policy makers and the street bureaucrats, responsible for implementing harm reduction policy in Pelotas/RS, and the analyzing of decision-making spaces available to stakeholders involved in this policy. At the same time, was analyzed the resource (time, material and human’s resources) to put these actions into the practice in the Centro de Redução de Danos (Harm Reduction Center) and Centro de Atenção psicossocial – álcool e outras drógas (Psychosocial-alcohol and the other drugs Attention Center) of Pelotas, Brazil. The make the qualitative analysis, the policy was adopted cycle model’s Howlett et al. (2013). The approach to "Crack Can Be Win Program" in Pelotas allowed to discuss the ambiguity in public policy treatment to drug users, once its formulation is planned measures that characterize the strategy of Harm Reduction and characterizing prohibitionist and madhouse practices inherited from previous models of public policies. Therefore, the stage of implementation of this program is seen crucial to define which desing is featuring the public policy treatment to drug users. The results show the policy-makers local and street bureaucrats adhesion of principles and values instilled in harm reduction policy, which allows them to identify the contradiction of madhouse and hospitalization option. It can be said that training is the great differential of the professionals engaged in policy implementation because it allows the clarity of the objectives and compliance with its principles. The decision’s spaces that allow the autonomy of these decision-makers local, too is another factor that stands out as a strength view because it allows the redesign of public policy. In addition, there is a commitment with implementation of the "Crack Can Be Win Program" in the city due to the lack of institutional capacity of the implementing agents. Finally, draws attention to the responsibility that the power of discretion of street bureaucrats have on the success or failure of public policy of harm reduction.