Nosso objetivo neste trabalho é acompanhar os rumos percorridos pela violência no discurso das personagens de Plínio Marcos, em Homens de papel. Neste sentido, procuramos defender a tese de que a violência segue rumos diversificados na ação do opressor e na ação do oprimido. Para comprovarmos nosso intento, recorremos ao apoio teórico da Análise da Conversação Etnometodológica, da Sociolinguística Interacional e da Análise do Discurso. Nesta linha de pensamento, elaboramos a análise da linguagem das personagens, levando em consideração o contexto interacional, valorizando elementos lingüísticos e extralinguísticos importantes para a produção de efeitos de sentido. Entre esses elementos, incluem-se fatores relacionados com a identidade social, com a situação enunciativa e com o estado interior que contribuem para a instalação da violência no discurso. Partimos da hipótese de que a ação violenta do opressor é calculada e medida, enquanto a ação do oprimido é impulsiva e precipitada. Seguindo essa direção, tentamos mostrar como a intenção no uso da linguagem representa fator decisivo na construção de efeitos de sentido. Na voz do opressor, a intenção de dominar se manifesta por meio de estratégias e referências que, além de intimidar e aterrorizar os catadores, têm como objetivo alimentar um esquema de simulação. Na ação do oprimido, os insultos e as ofensas, imersos em clima de total descontrole, representam um meio de extravasar sentimentos e emoções desequilibradas que se acumulam e explodem com o apelo à brutalidade em um ato de linchamento. Tudo isso se manifesta na expressividade da linguagem que dá vida ao texto, graças à habilidade do autor em construir diálogos espontâneos, bem próximos da naturalidade da vida real. / Our purpose in this work is to follow the paths covered by violence in the speech of Plínio Marcos characters, in Paper Men. In this sense we defend the thesis that, violence follows a different way in the action of the oppressor and in the action of the oppressed.. To prove our intent, we rely on the theoretical support of the Ethno Methodological Conversation Analysis, Interactional Sociolinguistics and Speech Analysis. Having this in mind, we designed the analysis of the characters language, taking into account the interaction context, increasing the value of linguistics and extra linguistics facts that are important for the production of sense effects. Among these facts, there are factors related to social identity and to internal conditions which contribute to the onset of violence in the speech. We start from the assumption that the violent action of the oppressor is calculated and measured whereas the action of the oppressed is impulsive and hasty. In this way, we try to show how the intention represents a decisive factor in producing sense effects within the language usage. In the voice of the oppressor, the intention of dominating is shown by means of strategies and references whose objective is to feed the simulation scheme, besides embarrassing and terrifying the pickers. In the action of the oppressed, immersed in a complete breakdown, the insults and offenses represent a way of expressing feelings and unbalanced emotions that pile up and explode with a call for a brutal act and lynching. All that is expressed through the language that gives life to the text, thanks to the authors ability in building up spontaneous dialogues that are very close to the real life.

Nosso objetivo neste trabalho é acompanhar os rumos percorridos pela violência no discurso das personagens de Plínio Marcos, em Homens de papel. Neste sentido, procuramos defender a tese de que a violência segue rumos diversificados na ação do opressor e na ação do oprimido. Para comprovarmos nosso intento, recorremos ao apoio teórico da Análise da Conversação Etnometodológica, da Sociolinguística Interacional e da Análise do Discurso. Nesta linha de pensamento, elaboramos a análise da linguagem das personagens, levando em consideração o contexto interacional, valorizando elementos lingüísticos e extralinguísticos importantes para a produção de efeitos de sentido. Entre esses elementos, incluem-se fatores relacionados com a identidade social, com a situação enunciativa e com o estado interior que contribuem para a instalação da violência no discurso. Partimos da hipótese de que a ação violenta do opressor é calculada e medida, enquanto a ação do oprimido é impulsiva e precipitada. Seguindo essa direção, tentamos mostrar como a intenção no uso da linguagem representa fator decisivo na construção de efeitos de sentido. Na voz do opressor, a intenção de dominar se manifesta por meio de estratégias e referências que, além de intimidar e aterrorizar os catadores, têm como objetivo alimentar um esquema de simulação. Na ação do oprimido, os insultos e as ofensas, imersos em clima de total descontrole, representam um meio de extravasar sentimentos e emoções desequilibradas que se acumulam e explodem com o apelo à brutalidade em um ato de linchamento. Tudo isso se manifesta na expressividade da linguagem que dá vida ao texto, graças à habilidade do autor em construir diálogos espontâneos, bem próximos da naturalidade da vida real. / Our purpose in this work is to follow the paths covered by violence in the speech of Plínio Marcos characters, in Paper Men. In this sense we defend the thesis that, violence follows a different way in the action of the oppressor and in the action of the oppressed.. To prove our intent, we rely on the theoretical support of the Ethno Methodological Conversation Analysis, Interactional Sociolinguistics and Speech Analysis. Having this in mind, we designed the analysis of the characters language, taking into account the interaction context, increasing the value of linguistics and extra linguistics facts that are important for the production of sense effects. Among these facts, there are factors related to social identity and to internal conditions which contribute to the onset of violence in the speech. We start from the assumption that the violent action of the oppressor is calculated and measured whereas the action of the oppressed is impulsive and hasty. In this way, we try to show how the intention represents a decisive factor in producing sense effects within the language usage. In the voice of the oppressor, the intention of dominating is shown by means of strategies and references whose objective is to feed the simulation scheme, besides embarrassing and terrifying the pickers. In the action of the oppressed, immersed in a complete breakdown, the insults and offenses represent a way of expressing feelings and unbalanced emotions that pile up and explode with a call for a brutal act and lynching. All that is expressed through the language that gives life to the text, thanks to the authors ability in building up spontaneous dialogues that are very close to the real life.

Emmanuel Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other gives rise to a number of researches in the field of philosophy, and it is applied to the field of literature. Taking Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other as a frame, from the perspective of phenomenology, I try to discuss the theme of conflict in the three plays by the three eighteenth-century female playwrights¡X Mary Delarivier Manley¡¦s Lucius (1717), Eliza Haywood¡¦s Fair Captive (1721), and Elizabeth Inchbald¡¦s Such Things Are (1787). This study focuses not only on the tension between the oppressor and the oppressed, but also on the situation and reaction of the oppressed, especially on the situation and reaction of the conquered women while they confront the persecution. Chapter One is background introduction, which includes twentieth-century theories on the Other, and Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other. Theories of the Other are related to the fields of philosophy, anthropology, psychoanalysis, and post-colonialism; however, the focus of this dissertation is Levinas¡¦s theory on the Other. Levinas asserts the rivalry between the Self and the Other from a phenomenologist point of view. With Levinas as a major approach, this chapter discusses the rival phenomenon between the Self and the Other as represented in the three female playwrights¡¦ dramas. Chapter Two deals with a discussion on the Other in Manley¡¦s Lucius, or the First Christian King of Britain. This discussion is concerned with the confrontation between the conqueror, the Britons and the conquered, the Picts during Roman Britain. The reaction of the conquered, as well as the shifting identity of the conquered caused by the changed circumstances are also my main concern. Chapter Three is concerned with an analysis of the Other in Haywood¡¦s Fair Captive. I analyze the Self¡¦s violence against the Other, the Turks¡¦ persecution against the Spaniards, which results from racial and religious differences as exposed during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-14). One of the ideas I focus on is men¡¦s oppression against women, either in the Islamic or in the Christian world, due to gender relations involved with a male maltreatment of women which is rooted in the patriarchal system and commonly exists in eighteenth-century Europe. Chapter Four studies the discourse on the Other in Inchbald¡¦s Such Things Are. I discuss the Orientalist perspective of Inchbald regarding the Sumatrans, the tension between the Self and the Other as represented in the interaction of the Britons and the Sumatrans, along with the tension between the master and the slave on the colonial level, as well as on the patriarchal level, as exercised in colonial society. The final chapter concludes this dissertation with an emphasis on the relationship between the Self and the Other. The Eighteenth-century England encountered a variety of political and cultural problems. Within the country, England had ethnic problems, though she had accomplished the Union with Scotland in 1707. Outside the country, England was forced to face her political Other, France, though the English appreciated and imitated French culture. Her two parties¡X the Tories and the Whigs, who maintained contradictory opinions in dealing with political issues¡X also caused instability in the political arena. Meanwhile, the political tension never mitigated when England endeavored to expand her territory into other countries, especially into India in order to implement her colonialism. Cultural differences result in either reciprocal or rival relationship between two peoples. In their rivalry, the Self has a desire for or a fear of the Other. Such a cultural phenomenon--the Self¡¦s desire for or fear of the Other-- is presented in the plays of many eighteenth-century female playwrights. This dissertation argues that when the Self alters his center-orientation and terminates seeking mastery over the Other, it is possible to put an end to their rivalry, just as Levinas indicates: Unless we attribute to the essence of free will a propensity for the rational, and, thus, a respect for universal, thanks to which the imperative and the normative of the intelligible would impose themselves on the free will of reach, consenting to limit itself in such a way as not to limit others. (Alterity and Transcendence 147-48) Manley¡¦s Lucius, Haywood¡¦s Fair Captive, and Inchbald¡¦s Such Things Are all illustrate this siltuation.

Magister Educationis - MEd / Ideology reveals itself in the commonly shared ideas and ideals which act as the driving force responsible for group formation underlying nationalist aspirations in society. It reveals itself in various ways with politics as the most visible and education as the most powerful, yet unobtrusive, manifestation. In South Africa Afrikaner Nationalism and Black Nationalism have been involved in a titanic battle for the last fifty years. The ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism developed as a striving for political, cultural and educational freedom from British imperialist domination. An important part of this struggle was waged in the field of education, leading to the development of the sub-ideology of Christian National Education. The tenacity with which the Afrikaner pursued his nationalist aspirations was rewarded with the recognition of Afrikaans as official language in 1925, the National Party gaining political power in 1948 and the establishment of the Afrikaner educational ideology, Christian National Education, as state education policy in 1967. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power tendency towards communalism in Black society resulted in Black Nationalism adopting the ideology of Black Liberation Socialism, under whose banner many former colonies had attained independence from their European mother countries. The educational sub ideology of People's Education served the Black Nationalist ideal by adopting in its curricula, syllabi and organisational structure an approach which supported Black liberation from the apartheid regime. The South African state (government, the police, the legal system, etc.) acted in a repressive manner under the influence of the Afrikaner ideology. The oppression Afrikaners suffered at the hand of British imperialism was repeated when Afrikaner Nationalism assumed power under the Nationalist government. It subjected Blacks to oppression and totally negated Black nationalist aspirations. Education always serves the dominant ideology - a concept clearly manifested in Christian National Education as it served the Afrikaner Nationalist ideology. In the same manner People's Education proved to be an extension of the Black Liberation Struggle. Ideology is thus in the service of power. Ample evidence exists that Afrikaner Nationalism and Christian National Education served to entrench Afrikanerdom in a position of seemingly unassailable power for an extended period of time after it had discarded the British imperialist yoke. This dominant position was maintained despite being a minority group. Should the same pattern prevail one would expect the African National Congress to abuse its present position of power to oppress the White minority and take revenge for the suffering that the latter had inflicted on Blacks for so many years. Both the Oppressed and the Oppressor are dehumanised in the process of oppression. Although the Afrikaner was in a dominant, powerful position and seemingly free, he became enslaved to his own ideology. He was deprived of independent opinion and thought by the prescriptive ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism and its educational ideology of Christian National Education. Non-compliance was frowned upon and deviants ostracised. It is ironic that, by ousting the Afrikaner nationalist regime, the African National Congress actually became the agent which liberated the Afrikaner from his self inflicted ideological oppression. Oppression thus seems to follow a vicious circle with both the Oppressor and the Oppressed suffering dehumanisation. Unless the Oppressed is rehumanised the oppressive role model presented by the Oppressor is emulated and the former Oppressed become the new Oppressor. The necessity for the process of rehumanisation to occur in the postapartheid South African society can not be over-emphasised and thus various steps that can be taken to effect rehumanisation are suggested.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2017-01-26T18:16:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Leonel Henrique Simões de Paula.pdf: 1078247 bytes, checksum: 77a778f6b0f0e0c1cf99da7144869c9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-26T18:16:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Leonel Henrique Simões de Paula.pdf: 1078247 bytes, checksum: 77a778f6b0f0e0c1cf99da7144869c9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-18 / This dissertation analyzes the notion (or notions) of regular education as part of a set of other ideological instruments, structures the worldview of the social groups that have access to it. It examines more specifically the vision of the excluded, so-called "homeless". Speaking about the "homeless", this work refers to those the segments that are deprived of the most elementary rights and, therefore, suffer the most perverse forms of oppression and neglect in our Country. Based on Freire's view that the oppressed produce not only knowledge, but in specific situations, contribute with his knowledge to transform and overcome the status quo, this work develops the hypothesis that there is one or more) concept(s) about the regular education formulated by those oppressed segments that can contribute to the reflection about a broader sense of culture and civilization. It is a qualitative research. Eighteen interviews were developed by the researcher with the homeless population of the City of São Paulo, of both sexes, in three locations that are described in the research universe. In addition to this the researcher developed his personal observation from his own experience of also living more than three decades in the streets of the same city. From this material he extracted all the empirical material. The analysis of the representations of “street population”, especially about school and regular education was the focus of the research. / Esta tesis analiza la noción (o nociones) de la educación regular, como parte de un conjunto de otros instrumentos ideológicos que estructura de la cosmovisión de los grupos sociales que tienen acceso a ella. En él se examinan más concretamente la visión de los excluidos, los llamados "sin techo". Hablando de los "sin techo", esta obra se refiere a aquellos segmentos que son privados de los derechos más elementales y, por lo tanto, sufren las formas más perversas de la opresión y de negligencia en nuestro País. Sobre la base del fundamento de la visión de Freire, de que los oprimidos no sólo producen el conocimiento, sino que, en situaciones específicas, contribuyen con este conocimiento para transformar y superar las sociedades instituidas, esta obra parte de la hipótesis de que existe(n) uno (o más) concepto (s) sobre la educación regular formulada por estos segmentos oprimidos que, en última instancia, pueden contribuir para la reflexión sobre el sentido más amplio de la cultura y la civilización. Se trata de una investigación cualitativa. De los dieciocho (18) entrevistas en profundidad realizadas por el investigador con la población sin hogar de la ciudad de São Paulo, de ambos sexos, en tres lugares que se describen en el universo de investigación y además con la observación a partir de su experiencia personal que, durante más de tres décadas, también vivía en la calle, se extrajo todo el material empírico. El foco de la tesis es el análisis de las representaciones de estos segmentos oprimidos, especialmente con respecto a la escuela y a la educación regular. / Esta dissertação analisa a noção (ou noções) de educação regular e de escola que, como parte de um conjunto de outros instrumentos ideológicos, estrutura a visão de mundo dos segmentos sociais que a ela têm acesso. Ela examina mais especificamente a visão dos excluídos dela, dos chamados “moradores de rua”. Ao falar dos “moradores de rua”, este trabalho refere-se àqueles segmentos que estão destituídos dos direitos mais elementares e, por isso mesmo, sofrem as formas mais perversas de opressão e abandono, em nosso País. Tomando como base a tese freiriana de que os oprimidos não apenas produzem saberes, mas, em situações específicas, contribuem, com esses saberes, para a transformação e a superação das sociedades instituídas, este trabalho parte da hipótese de que existe(m) um (ou mais) conceito(s) sobre a educação regular formulados por esses segmentos oprimidos que, no limite, podem contribuir para a reflexão sobre um sentido mais amplo da cultura e do processo civilizatório. É uma pesquisa de cunho qualitativo. Das 18 (dezoito) entrevistas em profundidade, realizadas pelo próprio pesquisador junto à população de rua da Cidade de São Paulo, de ambos os sexos, em três localidades que serão descritas no universo da pesquisa, somadas à observação e experiência pessoal do pesquisador que, por mais de três décadas, viveu também na rua, foi extraído todo o material empírico. A análise de tais representações, especialmente no que diz respeito à escola e à educação regular, constituiu o foco da pesquisa.

Using the literary device of a fictional interview between the artist and a sympathetic intellectual, I explore concepts relating to subjectivity, pedagogy, memory, “Southernness,” whiteness, the deceptive nature of images, social justice, and 20th century art as they relate to a contemporary artistic practice.