Bibliography: leaves 210-216. / This dissertation seeks to expose comparatively the ideological, institutional and economic underpinnings which have contributed to evolving nationalisms within two dual societies, those being Canada and South Africa. It attempts to explain the parallel historical development of Afrikaner and French Canadian nationalisms as they contend with a hostile and dominant English element beholden to the Empire. Expansion and rebellion coincides with the advent of British colonialism as French Canadian and Afrikaner segments find their previously dominant positions reversed. Their rural, agrarianist, peripheral culture evolves in isolation from the increasingly metropolitan British core culture. Demographics are here determined in conjunction with the interplay of alien cultures including that of the indigenes. Ethnic pre-nationalist consciousness is assessed according to intergroup contact. Religion and its institutional accessories are then looked at as they contribute to an evolving consciousness. Fragmented cultures are firmly imbued with a religious character, and religioideological development adapts to new circumstances by preaching messianism, pre-destination as well as analogising the plight of their respective disciples with that of the ancient Israelites. The lines between temporal and heavenly matters are here smudged as Dutch Reformed and Catholic churches promote group enclosure mobilising members around core cultural and language issues so as to preserve clerical power.

No description available.

Magister Artium - MA / With its Afrikaner Nationalist past and its current status as an Afropolitan hub, Voortrekker Road simultaneously constitutes a place of separation and transgression, resulting in a quotidian tableau of urban life that could in some ways be read as a microcosm of social dynamics in contemporary South Africa. This thesis is a study on the intersecting microhistories at play in Voortrekker Road as a site of fractured negotiation within South Africa as a transitional society, and a place where multiple historical narratives intersect and become rewritten. In interpreting and portraying the layered, entangled histories, attention will be paid to microhistories and the fragment in order to steer away from totalising perspectives. Furthermore, the study draws heavily on the theories of Walter Benjamin in order to position a montage approach to history at the center of interpreting the historical layers enveloped along the road. A montage approach to historical thinking aims to deviate from the deterministic method of Hegelianism. Gyanendra Pandey emphasises how ‘part of the importance of the “fragmentary” point of view lies in that it resists the drive for a shallow homogenization and for other, potentially richer definitions of the “nation” and the future political community.’ Particular attention is paid to the microhistories and intimate business praxis amongst migrant entrepreneurs and informal businesses in order to consider the explosive creative refunctioning of Voortrekker Road in relation to its socially engineered segregationist history. In consideration of Voortrekker Road as a startling respite from xenophobic violence, the study considers the infusions of affect into the cityscape. As AbdouMaliq Simone aptly prompts ‘What are some of the ways in which urban residents are building a particular emotional field in the city, trying to restore a very physical sense of connection to one another?’

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / The purpose of this study is the description, analysis and explanation of the electoral growth of the National Party in the Union of South Africa, from the founding of the (Purified) National Party in 1934 to the General Election of May 1948. Consideration is given the following: the rise of the National Party to parliamentary supremacy in 1929; its electoral collapse at Fusion--the political union of Generals Hertzog and Smuts and of their respective parties--in 1934; the revival of Afrikaner economic and cultural nationalism beginning in the latter 1930's; the ending of Fusion in 1939 and the resulting temporary political reunion of Afrikaners in Opposition; fission of the Opposition, 1940 to 1943; postwar consolidation of Afrikaner opponents of the Smuts Government and its defeat by the (Reunited) National Party - Afrikaner Party alliance in 1948. Special attention is paid to four general elections, those of 1929, 1938, 1943 and 1948. The results of these elections, as they describe the strength of the National Party, are compared. Research was done in the Republic of South Africa. Newspapers, both English language and Afrikaans, were the foremost primary source. Others included the South African parliamentary Hansard, official publications and reports, party literature and personal interviews. This work finds that there exists a considerable similarity between the extent and distribution of the electoral support which placed the National Party in power in 1929 and that which sustained the 1948 victory of the (Reunited) National Party - Afrikaner Party alliance. A difference lies in the fact of unprecedented urban support for the (Reunited) National Party in 1948, especially along the Witwatersrand. However, it is shown that growing urban support for the (Reunited) National Party followed the movement of Afrikaners to the cities from the traditionally-Nationalist countryside, and hence expressed a permanence in long-term partisan alignments among these Afrikaners, rather than the contrary. The General Election of 1948 is thus said to signify the electoral revival of the National Party of 1929. Several factors are found to have contributed to this electoral revivals intensification of Afrikaner nationalist sentiment in consequence of such as the Voortrekker Centenary celebrations of 1938; maladroit postwar management of the country by the Smuts Government and exploitation of the racial fears and prejudices of the white electorate in 1948 by the Opposition parties. But of greatest importance is deemed to be the passing of Fusion in 1939. Hertzog and those Afrikaners who followed him entered Fusion in 1934 assuming that their political cooperation with English-speaking South Africans was possible on the basis of the principle "South Africa First." The insistence of Smuts in September 1939 that South Africa declare war on Germany seemed to Hertzog and most Afrikaners to contradict that principle. It ended Fusion and released Afrikaners from their adherence to the United Party, which had been its embodiment. Various wartime circumstances sustained Smuts and the truncated United Party in power at the 1943 General Election, but these passed with the War, or at the same time. It was thus likely in 1948 that--momentary issues apart--the (Reunited) National Party - Afrikaner Party alliance would, in the absence of a successful attempt on the part of Smuts at re-creation in postwar South Africa of the United Party of the 1930's, gather such electoral support as had sustained the National Party nineteen years earlier. In fact, such a re-creation may have been impossible, for the ending of Fusion had done more than allow for a reunion of those Afrikaners who had divided in 1934, it had discredited the spirit of Hertzog, i.e., "Hertzogism," which, from the side of the Afrikaner nationalist, had made Fusion possible. / 2031-01-01

Magister Educationis - MEd / Ideology reveals itself in the commonly shared ideas and ideals which act as the driving force responsible for group formation underlying nationalist aspirations in society. It reveals itself in various ways with politics as the most visible and education as the most powerful, yet unobtrusive, manifestation. In South Africa Afrikaner Nationalism and Black Nationalism have been involved in a titanic battle for the last fifty years. The ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism developed as a striving for political, cultural and educational freedom from British imperialist domination. An important part of this struggle was waged in the field of education, leading to the development of the sub-ideology of Christian National Education. The tenacity with which the Afrikaner pursued his nationalist aspirations was rewarded with the recognition of Afrikaans as official language in 1925, the National Party gaining political power in 1948 and the establishment of the Afrikaner educational ideology, Christian National Education, as state education policy in 1967. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power tendency towards communalism in Black society resulted in Black Nationalism adopting the ideology of Black Liberation Socialism, under whose banner many former colonies had attained independence from their European mother countries. The educational sub ideology of People's Education served the Black Nationalist ideal by adopting in its curricula, syllabi and organisational structure an approach which supported Black liberation from the apartheid regime. The South African state (government, the police, the legal system, etc.) acted in a repressive manner under the influence of the Afrikaner ideology. The oppression Afrikaners suffered at the hand of British imperialism was repeated when Afrikaner Nationalism assumed power under the Nationalist government. It subjected Blacks to oppression and totally negated Black nationalist aspirations. Education always serves the dominant ideology - a concept clearly manifested in Christian National Education as it served the Afrikaner Nationalist ideology. In the same manner People's Education proved to be an extension of the Black Liberation Struggle. Ideology is thus in the service of power. Ample evidence exists that Afrikaner Nationalism and Christian National Education served to entrench Afrikanerdom in a position of seemingly unassailable power for an extended period of time after it had discarded the British imperialist yoke. This dominant position was maintained despite being a minority group. Should the same pattern prevail one would expect the African National Congress to abuse its present position of power to oppress the White minority and take revenge for the suffering that the latter had inflicted on Blacks for so many years. Both the Oppressed and the Oppressor are dehumanised in the process of oppression. Although the Afrikaner was in a dominant, powerful position and seemingly free, he became enslaved to his own ideology. He was deprived of independent opinion and thought by the prescriptive ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism and its educational ideology of Christian National Education. Non-compliance was frowned upon and deviants ostracised. It is ironic that, by ousting the Afrikaner nationalist regime, the African National Congress actually became the agent which liberated the Afrikaner from his self inflicted ideological oppression. Oppression thus seems to follow a vicious circle with both the Oppressor and the Oppressed suffering dehumanisation. Unless the Oppressed is rehumanised the oppressive role model presented by the Oppressor is emulated and the former Oppressed become the new Oppressor. The necessity for the process of rehumanisation to occur in the postapartheid South African society can not be over-emphasised and thus various steps that can be taken to effect rehumanisation are suggested.

Magister Artium - MA / This mini-thesis explores the role of photography in the mainstream and dissident tradition of Afrikaner ethnology (volkekunde) from the time of its establishment at Stellenbosch University in the 1920s through to its development at Pretoria University in the 1950s to 1970s, to its period of decline in the era of dissidence from the 1970s to the 2010s. I use a biographical approach, tracing the career biographies and photographic portfolios of three volkekundiges: the German-trained government ethnologist Nicolaas J. van Warmelo; little known dissident volkekundige Frans Hendrik Boot (1939-2010) who founded the Volkekunde Department at the University of the Western Cape in 1972 and for whom fieldwork photography was an expression of his humanist digression from the racialised mainstream volkekunde tradition; and Cornelis Seakle “Kees” van der Waal (1949-) whose ‘Long Walk from Volkekunde to Anthropology’ has been textually demonstrated but also takes on visual expressions in his use of photography. My thesis seeks to demonstrate that photography and visuality was important in displaying the different traditions of volkekunde. The central argument in this thesis postulates that fieldwork photographs, read in relation to the ethnographers intellectual focus offers us insight into an individual’s orientation. Furthermore this thesis explores the degree of a photographers technicality and aesthetics skill

M.A. (Political Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This thesis reports on a project which investigated how young native, Afrikaans-speaking Rhodes University students responded to the musical outfit Die Antwoord and to their music video “I Fink U Freeky”. The study attempted to establish how a selected group of Afrikaans-speaking students consisting of Whites, Coloureds and Blacks interpret the work of Die Antwoord as well as their own Afrikaans identity. The purpose of the study was to interrogate the relationship between artistic media, citizenship and belonging to a particular group. The thesis reports on the ways in which interviewees in the group discussions responded to notions of identity, whiteness, class, race, hybridity and creolization registered in the music video which was used to prompt the discussions. Finally the thesis reports on findings regarding the relationship between citizenship and the artistic media. The enormous change in the socio-political position of Afrikaans-speakers in the post -1994 dispensation provides the social context of the study. The project utilised qualitative research and a reception study of the music was undertaken by means of focus group discussions in order to arrive at thick descriptions in an attempt to understand the contextual behaviour of the participants. It was postulated that Die Antwoord provides a discursive site within which audiences could generate their own innovative meanings regarding being Afrikaans. While there was no clear indication that the identities of the participants was constructed by the media, the video prompted discussions regarding identity and provided evidence that media texts are capable of stimulating an interrogation of identities. It emerged that all participants, while abandoning some aspects of Afrikaans culture, strongly embraced and highly valued the language. Participants did not regard race as an important aspect of citizenship. Vociferous discussions regarding class demonstrated how media texts can influence citizenship. Discussions about hybridization and creolization demonstrated how the media can challenge received conceptions regarding citizenship. Responses provided evidence that the media could stimulate new forms of citizenship and contribute to the inclusion of previously excluded subjects. The research findings clearly demonstrate links between artistic media, citizenship and belonging to a group of Afrikaanses rather than Afrikaners. Post- 1994 young Afrikaans-speakers in this study provided clear evidence that they are exploring new and alternative ways of being Afrikaans.

Magister Artium - MA / In 1974 an Agricultural Museum Committee was established at the Worcester Museum which ultimately led to the development in 1981 of the Kleinplasie Open Air Farm Museum.This began a new phase in the museum’s history, one that I will argue was particularly closely linked to Afrikaner nationalist historiography, in particular to ideas about frontier farmers and pioneer farming lifestyles and activities.This study will take the form of a critical analysis of the establishment of Kleinplasie Living Open Air Museum from 1974 until 1994. It will evaluate the making of exhibitions, its architecture, and the performances and public activities in the establishment of the institution as a site of memory and knowledge. The key question this work engages with is how representations, performance, exhibitions, museum activities, and public involvement were shaped to create particular messages and construct a site of cultural identity and memory at Kleinplasie Living Open Air Museum.It will also deal with questions around who decides on the voices and content of the exhibitions, architecture and displays. The role played by professionals, those who claim to represent community, donors and other interests groups will also be placed under the spotlight. There are also questions around the provenance of collections, the way they were acquired through donations and sponsorships, and the crucial role objects played in the construction of the narrative and identity of the museum.A key question that emerges from my own work is the connection between the Afrikaner nationalist scholarship and the development of the open-air museum based on the life of the frontier farmer at Kleinplasie. While Kleinplasie does not seem to follow the monumental approach that was evident in schemes such as the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria, where triumphalism and conquest are key metaphors, it does rely on a sense of ‘independence’ and self-fulfilment in social history type setting. There is thus a need to consider how Afrikaner nationalist historiography impacted on the way history was depicted at Kleinplasie. P. J. van der Merwe’s studies of the character and lifeways of the trekboer(Die Trekboer in die Geskiedenis van die Kaapkolonie), seems to have played a central role in the construction of the theme and narrative. This three-volume trilogy provided Kleinplasie(literally, ‘little farm’) with a social and cultural history on which to construct its version of the past.

AFRIKAANS: In die bronne van bewysmateriaal vir Afrikaanse geskiedenis en kultuurgeskiedenis is daar sporadiese verwysings na die bestaan van ‘n vrouetydskrif, getiteld Die Boerevrou. Dit was die eerste, en tot en met die staking daarvan, die enigste Afrikaanse vrouetydskrif. Die tydskrif is in Pretoria van Maart 1919 tot Desember 1931 maandeliks onder die redakteurskap van die eienaar, Mabel Malherbe, uitgegee. Hoewel dit al as ‘n ryk skat van inligting oor die Afrikanervrou en haar leefwyse beskryf is, is daar min inligting oor die tydskrif beskikbaar. Dit is ook in vergelyking met ander tydgenootlike Afrikaanse publikasies soos Die Huisgenoot, baie min vir primêre navorsing gebruik, hoewel oorspronklike versamelings daarvan vandag nog redelik maklik bekombaar is. Gevolglik is Die Boerevrou aan kultuurhistorici betreklik onbekend. Met hierdie studie is daar gepoog om te bepaal of Die Boerevrou as ‘n gesaghebbende primêre bron vir kultuurgeskiedenis beskou kan word en waarom dit nie as sodanig benut word nie. Aangesien daar min sekondêre bronne oor tydskrifstudies bestaan, kan die ontwikkeling van ‘n wetenskaplike werkswyse vir die onderneming van dergelike studies as een van die bydraes van hierdie proefskrif beskou word. Die kultuurhistoriese konteks en ekonomiese omstandighede waarbinne die tydskrif verskyn het, is bestudeer en inligting oor die redaksie, medewerkers, beleid en sirkulasie van Die Boerevrou is ingewin. Dit alles het as agtergrond gedien om afleidings te maak om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Daar is bevind dat die tydskrif van hoë joernalistieke gehalte getuig vir die tydperk waarin dit verskyn het. As vrouetydskrif het dit ‘n wye verskeidenheid onderwerpe van kultuurhistoriese belang gedek. Die studie het ook lig gewerp op die leesgebruike en -voorkeure van die Afrikanervrou in die vroeë twintigste eeu. Dit is duidelik dat kultuur en die media in ‘n baie komplekse verhouding staan en mekaar wedersyds sterk beïnvloed. Die lesers van Die Boerevrou is nie net deur die tydskrif gelei en beïnvloed nie, soos talle ander studies bevind het die geval met die pers in die ontwikkelingsjare van Afrikanernasionalisme was nie. Boerevrou-lesers het ook aktief meegedoen aan die skryf van die teks van die tydskrif omdat hulle ‘n sosiale netwerk gevorm het wat ontvanklik en gereed was vir die assimilasie en verspreiding van ‘n nasionalistiese identiteit. Die Boerevrou is ‘n gesaghebbende primêre bron vir kultuurgeskiedenis en sal in die toekoms met groot vrug in studies oor die Afrikanervrou van 1919 tot 1931 benut kan word. Die feit dat die tydskrif as bron onderbenut word, kan hoofsaaklik toegeskryf word aan twee aspekte: Die meeste studies oor vrouetydskrifte tot op datum is ideologiese analises met ‘n feministiese inslag wat die persepsie by navorsers skep dat vrouetydskrifte problematiese en onbetroubare studiemateriaal is en gevolglik vermy behoort te word; verder is die wetenskaplike bestudering van vrouetydskrifte nog ‘n relatiewe jong studieveld. ENGLISH: Die Boerevrou was the first, and until the termination thereof, the only Afrikaans women's magazine. This monthly periodical was published in Pretoria from March 1919 to December 1931 under the editorship of the owner, Mabel Malherbe. Although it is a rich treasure of information about Afrikaans women and their way of life, there is little known about the magazine. Compared to other contemporary Afrikaans publications, such as Die Huisgenoot, it is also very little used for primary research. This study attempts to determine whether Die Boerevrou can be viewed as an authoritative primary source for cultural history and why it is not utilised as such. Since there are few secondary sources on magazine studies, the development of a scientific methodology for undertaking such studies is considered to be one of the contributions of this thesis. The historical context and economic conditions within which the magazine has been published was determined and information was obtained about the editors, staff, policies and circulation of Die Boerevrou. All have served as a background to make conclusions relevant to the research question. It was found that the magazine is of high journalistic quality for the period in which it was published and reviews a wide variety of topics of interest to women. The study also shed light on the reading practices and preferences of Afrikaans women in the early twentieth century. The relationship that exists between culture and the media is clearly very complex. The readers of Die Boerevrou were not only led and influenced by the magazine, as many other studies have found to be the case with the media during the formative years of Afrikaner nationalism. Boerevrou readers also actively participated in writing the text of the magazine. They formed a social network which was receptive and ready for the assimilation and dissemination of a nationalist identity. Die Boerevrou is an authoritative primary source for cultural history and can be utilised with great success for studies on Afrikaans women from 1919 to 1931. The fact that the magazine is underutilised as a resource is mainly due to two aspects: Most studies of women's magazines are ideological analyses with a feminist slant that create the perception that this genre offers problematic and unreliable study material and should therefore be avoided; The scientific research of women's magazines is furthermore still a relatively young field of study. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted