Yes / Despite increasing understanding of, information about and official commitment to challenge these patterns, racist hostility and violence continue to have an enduring presence in urban and rural life in the UK. This indicates the paradoxical nature of this racial crisis and challenges for antiracism as a political project. This paper charts how these issues play out at the local level through an examination of a five year process from problem identification through to research, response, action and aftermath from 2006 to 2012 in the city of Leeds, UK, with a focus on two predominantly white working class social housing estates in the city. We explore how embedded tensions and antagonisms can begin to be challenged, while examining how the contemporary climate of austerity and cuts in services, together with prevailing post-racial thinking, make the likelihood of such concerted action in the UK increasingly remote.

This masters’ thesis is a case study using an antiracist methodology and critical discourse analysis to analyze a popular blog, ‘Stuff White People Like’ and asks the main research question: How is whiteness represented and understood in the satirical blog, ‘Stuff White People Like’? Grounded in theories of representation, discourse, myth and racialization, the thesis looks at two posts, “#1 Coffee” and “#92 Book Deals” and their user comments to investigate the ways whiteness is defined, understood, produced and negotiated. The blog and the comments reveal important discussions of knowledge production strategies of racialization and racism in popular media. Specifically, these negotiations expose three major registers of whiteness that are continually enacted within the discourses of the blog and the comments. These registers encompass understandings of whiteness as biological superiority and heritage; defining whiteness as a performance of privilege; and whiteness as an enactment of dominance and oppression. Sites of antiracist educational pedagogy are also discussed within this study to reveal the importance of investigating everyday discourses and understandings of race for the future.

O estudo responde às seguintes perguntas: quais foram as etapas que levaram à ruptura entre Pierre-André Taguieff e a esquerda intelectual antirracista francesa? Em qual medida essa ruptura pode nos fornecer elementos de compreensão da história do antirracismo na França, em particular no caso do antirracismo dos intelectuais, desde os anos 1970 até a década de 2010? O primeiro capítulo focaliza as fontes, a metodologia história das ideias e história do tempo presente, a historiografia do racismo e do antirracismo , e enfim P.-A. Taguieff, historiador das ideias racistas, um aspecto de sua obra que será deixado de lado no resto do trabalho. A década de 1980 é o tema do capítulo II. P.-A. Taguieff se torna famoso por suas análises dos discursos da chamada Nouvelle Droite e do Front National, partido que propôs o conceito de nacional-populismo. Avança um modelo ideal-típico da confrontação racismo antirracismo: o antirracismo diferencialista confrontar-se-ia prioritariamente com o racismo universalista, e o antirracismo universalista com o racismo diferencialista. O assunto do capítulo III é a tentativa por P.-A. Taguieff de pensar um antirracismo republicano na década de 1990; isto é articulado à noção de nação cívica, e não étnica. É essa evolução que o leva a romper com a maioria da esquerda política e intelectual. No final dessa década, inicia uma reflexão aprofundada sobre a noção de progresso e sobre o progressismo, que interpretamos como uma reflexão sobre os motivos de sua própria ruptura com a esquerda. Os capítulos IV e V se referem aos anos posteriores a 2000. No capítulo IV, abordamos a querela da nova judeofobia, isto é, o papel fundamental jogado por P.-A. Taguieff na identificação da difusão de um novo racismo judeófobo na França. Estudamos as reações hostis, essencialmente por parte de intelectuais de esquerda preocupados com a necessidade de não estigmatizar os jovens. No capítulo V, evocamos dimensões do debate contemporâneo na França em torno do racismo e do antirracismo. Mostramos que o antirracismo deixou de ser um universo intelectual e político coerente. Ao contrário, dividiu-se e, portanto, se enfraqueceu. Esta divisão e este enfraquecimento contribuem a explicar uma parte uma parte somente das evoluções eleitorais recentes da França. Enfim, o capítulo VI, conclusivo, se interroga sinteticamente sobre o que evoluiu e o que não evoluiu na reflexão e na produção intelectual de P.-A. Taguieff. Concluímos, primeiro, que P-A. Taguieff ficou fiel a uma concepção patriótica do antirracismo, enraizada da tradição do republicanismo francês, exatamente a tradição que muitas correntes da esquerda política e intelectual pretendem ultrapassar, em nome do multiculturalismo, do cosmopolitismo, da convergência das lutas; e, segundo, que desde os primeiros textos suas intervenções no debate público visam a defender a pluralidade das ideias, condição da existência de uma verdadeira esfera do debate público. / This study answers the following questions: What were the steps that led to the rupture between Pierre-André Taguieff and the French intellectual antiracist Left? To what extent can this split provide us with elements to understand the history of anti-racism in France, in particular in the case of the anti-racism of intellectuals from the seventies to the 2010 decade? The first chapter focuses on the sources, the methodology - the history of ideas and the history of present times, the historiography of racism and anti-racism - and at last, P.-A. Taguieff, the historian of racist ideas, an aspect of his work that will be left aside in the rest of the paper. The 1980 decade is the theme of chapter II. P.-A. Taguieff becomes famous for his analysis of the discourses of the so-called New Right and the National Front. To describe this party, he proposes the national-populist concept. He advances a typical ideal model of confrontation of racism - anti-racism: the differentialist anti-racism would, by way of priority, oppose itself to the universalist racism, and universalist anti-racism to the differentialist racism. Chapter III is about P.-A. Taguieff\'s attempt to consider a republican anti-racism in the 1990 decade, i.e., articulated around the notion of a civic nation, not ethnic. It is this evolution that leads him to break off with the majority of the intellectual political Left. At the end of this decade, he starts deepening his reflection on the notion of progress and progressivism, which we interpret as a reflection about the motives of his own breach with the Left. Chapters IV and V refer to the years after 2000. In chapter IV, we approach the quarrel of the \"new judeophobia\", i.e., the fundamental role played by P.-A. Taguieff in identifying the diffusion of a new judeophobic racism in France. We study the hostile reactions, mostly from Left intellectuals worried about the need of not stigmatizing youth. In chapter V, we evoke the dimensions of the contemporary debate in France around racism and anti-racism. We show that anti-racism ceased to be a coherent intellectual and political universe. On the contrary, it became divided and thus, weakened. This division and weakening contribute to explain - only partly however - the recent electoral evolution in France. Finally, chapter VI, conclusively, interrogates itself synthetically about what evolved or not in P.-A. Taguieff\'s reflection and intellectual production. We conclude, firstly, that P-A. Taguieff remained loyal to a patriotic anti-racist conception, rooted in the tradition of the French republicanism, precisely the tradition that many political and intellectual Left currents intend to leave behind, in the name of multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and the \"convergence of the fights\"; and secondly, that from the very first texts, their interventions in the public debate aim at defending the plurality of ideas, the condition for the existence of a true public debate sphere.

O estudo responde às seguintes perguntas: quais foram as etapas que levaram à ruptura entre Pierre-André Taguieff e a esquerda intelectual antirracista francesa? Em qual medida essa ruptura pode nos fornecer elementos de compreensão da história do antirracismo na França, em particular no caso do antirracismo dos intelectuais, desde os anos 1970 até a década de 2010? O primeiro capítulo focaliza as fontes, a metodologia história das ideias e história do tempo presente, a historiografia do racismo e do antirracismo , e enfim P.-A. Taguieff, historiador das ideias racistas, um aspecto de sua obra que será deixado de lado no resto do trabalho. A década de 1980 é o tema do capítulo II. P.-A. Taguieff se torna famoso por suas análises dos discursos da chamada Nouvelle Droite e do Front National, partido que propôs o conceito de nacional-populismo. Avança um modelo ideal-típico da confrontação racismo antirracismo: o antirracismo diferencialista confrontar-se-ia prioritariamente com o racismo universalista, e o antirracismo universalista com o racismo diferencialista. O assunto do capítulo III é a tentativa por P.-A. Taguieff de pensar um antirracismo republicano na década de 1990; isto é articulado à noção de nação cívica, e não étnica. É essa evolução que o leva a romper com a maioria da esquerda política e intelectual. No final dessa década, inicia uma reflexão aprofundada sobre a noção de progresso e sobre o progressismo, que interpretamos como uma reflexão sobre os motivos de sua própria ruptura com a esquerda. Os capítulos IV e V se referem aos anos posteriores a 2000. No capítulo IV, abordamos a querela da nova judeofobia, isto é, o papel fundamental jogado por P.-A. Taguieff na identificação da difusão de um novo racismo judeófobo na França. Estudamos as reações hostis, essencialmente por parte de intelectuais de esquerda preocupados com a necessidade de não estigmatizar os jovens. No capítulo V, evocamos dimensões do debate contemporâneo na França em torno do racismo e do antirracismo. Mostramos que o antirracismo deixou de ser um universo intelectual e político coerente. Ao contrário, dividiu-se e, portanto, se enfraqueceu. Esta divisão e este enfraquecimento contribuem a explicar uma parte uma parte somente das evoluções eleitorais recentes da França. Enfim, o capítulo VI, conclusivo, se interroga sinteticamente sobre o que evoluiu e o que não evoluiu na reflexão e na produção intelectual de P.-A. Taguieff. Concluímos, primeiro, que P-A. Taguieff ficou fiel a uma concepção patriótica do antirracismo, enraizada da tradição do republicanismo francês, exatamente a tradição que muitas correntes da esquerda política e intelectual pretendem ultrapassar, em nome do multiculturalismo, do cosmopolitismo, da convergência das lutas; e, segundo, que desde os primeiros textos suas intervenções no debate público visam a defender a pluralidade das ideias, condição da existência de uma verdadeira esfera do debate público. / This study answers the following questions: What were the steps that led to the rupture between Pierre-André Taguieff and the French intellectual antiracist Left? To what extent can this split provide us with elements to understand the history of anti-racism in France, in particular in the case of the anti-racism of intellectuals from the seventies to the 2010 decade? The first chapter focuses on the sources, the methodology - the history of ideas and the history of present times, the historiography of racism and anti-racism - and at last, P.-A. Taguieff, the historian of racist ideas, an aspect of his work that will be left aside in the rest of the paper. The 1980 decade is the theme of chapter II. P.-A. Taguieff becomes famous for his analysis of the discourses of the so-called New Right and the National Front. To describe this party, he proposes the national-populist concept. He advances a typical ideal model of confrontation of racism - anti-racism: the differentialist anti-racism would, by way of priority, oppose itself to the universalist racism, and universalist anti-racism to the differentialist racism. Chapter III is about P.-A. Taguieff\'s attempt to consider a republican anti-racism in the 1990 decade, i.e., articulated around the notion of a civic nation, not ethnic. It is this evolution that leads him to break off with the majority of the intellectual political Left. At the end of this decade, he starts deepening his reflection on the notion of progress and progressivism, which we interpret as a reflection about the motives of his own breach with the Left. Chapters IV and V refer to the years after 2000. In chapter IV, we approach the quarrel of the \"new judeophobia\", i.e., the fundamental role played by P.-A. Taguieff in identifying the diffusion of a new judeophobic racism in France. We study the hostile reactions, mostly from Left intellectuals worried about the need of not stigmatizing youth. In chapter V, we evoke the dimensions of the contemporary debate in France around racism and anti-racism. We show that anti-racism ceased to be a coherent intellectual and political universe. On the contrary, it became divided and thus, weakened. This division and weakening contribute to explain - only partly however - the recent electoral evolution in France. Finally, chapter VI, conclusively, interrogates itself synthetically about what evolved or not in P.-A. Taguieff\'s reflection and intellectual production. We conclude, firstly, that P-A. Taguieff remained loyal to a patriotic anti-racist conception, rooted in the tradition of the French republicanism, precisely the tradition that many political and intellectual Left currents intend to leave behind, in the name of multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and the \"convergence of the fights\"; and secondly, that from the very first texts, their interventions in the public debate aim at defending the plurality of ideas, the condition for the existence of a true public debate sphere.

This masters’ thesis is a case study using an antiracist methodology and critical discourse analysis to analyze a popular blog, ‘Stuff White People Like’ and asks the main research question: How is whiteness represented and understood in the satirical blog, ‘Stuff White People Like’? Grounded in theories of representation, discourse, myth and racialization, the thesis looks at two posts, “#1 Coffee” and “#92 Book Deals” and their user comments to investigate the ways whiteness is defined, understood, produced and negotiated. The blog and the comments reveal important discussions of knowledge production strategies of racialization and racism in popular media. Specifically, these negotiations expose three major registers of whiteness that are continually enacted within the discourses of the blog and the comments. These registers encompass understandings of whiteness as biological superiority and heritage; defining whiteness as a performance of privilege; and whiteness as an enactment of dominance and oppression. Sites of antiracist educational pedagogy are also discussed within this study to reveal the importance of investigating everyday discourses and understandings of race for the future.

This masters’ thesis is a case study using an antiracist methodology and critical discourse analysis to analyze a popular blog, ‘Stuff White People Like’ and asks the main research question: How is whiteness represented and understood in the satirical blog, ‘Stuff White People Like’? Grounded in theories of representation, discourse, myth and racialization, the thesis looks at two posts, “#1 Coffee” and “#92 Book Deals” and their user comments to investigate the ways whiteness is defined, understood, produced and negotiated. The blog and the comments reveal important discussions of knowledge production strategies of racialization and racism in popular media. Specifically, these negotiations expose three major registers of whiteness that are continually enacted within the discourses of the blog and the comments. These registers encompass understandings of whiteness as biological superiority and heritage; defining whiteness as a performance of privilege; and whiteness as an enactment of dominance and oppression. Sites of antiracist educational pedagogy are also discussed within this study to reveal the importance of investigating everyday discourses and understandings of race for the future.

No description available.

Antiracism consistently decries its lack of transformative effects, particularly in relation to embodied experiences of racism and the complexity of racist processes and experiences (e.g., Ahmed, 2004; Hage, 2016). By contrast, cyborgian theory (Gray, 1996; Haraway, 1991) highlights the cyborg as a powerful resource for an embodied transformative politics that is responsive to the structures and processes of embodied understandings, and to the entanglements of knowledge and being. This thesis theorizes how the cyborg may be operationalized for antiracism specifically. I reconfigure antiracism considering the cyborg through three steps. First, building on my own embodied experience as a white, cisgendered woman, I ground antiracism in a praxis of embodied response-ability (Haraway, 2016) moving from a reactive form of antiracism to an on-going project of engagement. Second, I draw on posthumanist anti-oppressive and feminist theory (e.g., Braidotti, 2011; Thweatt-Bates, 2016) to align antiracism with Donna Haraway’s (1991, 1992, 2016) conceptualization of the cyborg. This alignment refigures antiracism as actively embodied, theoretically grounded, and attentive to relationality and processes of cultural production. Third, I operationalize my theorizing through my embodied engagement with Canada’s parliamentary precinct, Parliament Hill. My diffractive mapping through an antiracism attuned to the cyborg shows how Parliament Hill produces and continues racism through an assemblage of mechanisms of nationalist dominance that actively fortify overt boundaries, network dialectic understandings of identity, and pattern racist relations of belonging and otherness. My analysis reveals how intimately and insidiously racism lives and entangles in knowledge production. It also shows how engaging the world, recognizing the onto-epistemological orientation in posthuman cyborg provides a means for critically living in and with entanglements of embodied racisms that enable a transformative antiracist praxis.

This study investigates creating antiracist spaces and determining what an antiracist sociohistorical geography looks like. I argue that an antiracist sociohistorical geography is always necessarily unfinished and in a state of becoming. I introduce as my study site a section of Toronto, Ontario, Canada, that was once a neighbourhood known as The Ward. At different times in the past, the land of this area was home to the Mississauga of the Credit First Nation, a Black community, a Jewish community, and a Chinese community. Through investigations of these historic racialized communities and through field site examination, I first document how current cultural representations within this space create racist exclusions. Next, through discussion of my experience with the Ontario Black History Society’s (OBHS) walking tour in and around this space, and through analysis of one-on-one interviews with OBHS representatives, I show the tour as creating starting points for developing antiracist geographies. Finally, by imagining the space devoid of racist exclusions, I illustrate what an antiracist sociohistorical geography might look like but also that the portrayal is a spatial and temporal moment and therefore unfinished. I combine an anti-essentialist antiracist historical methodology with critical discourse analysis and critical ethnography. My main finding is that inclusions of excluded racialized groups into dominant discourse can contribute to naming and perhaps troubling particular racisms, but do not automatically disrupt systems and structures that (re)create exclusions. To deconstruct these powers, antiracism must incorporate ongoing disruptions of dominance over space. My study shows the potential for shifting discursive meanings around racialized bodies in relation to each other and sociohistorical geographies they occupy. These shifts have implications for how sociohistorical spaces become forums of social studies and history education in everyday spaces and in schools, as people (re)learn to read bodies within sociohistorical spaces in antiracist ways.

No / This article explores issues of the racial identities of young male supporters of the political far right in the North of England. Sociological identity theories are utilised in combination with ethnographic and retrospective interview data to inform the failures of anti-racist education programmes. These failures include a naive assumption that knowledge of and contact between racial groups will automatically reduce racism. They have also failed because of the ostracism of those very individuals the programmes are designed to engage with. The article argues that programmes must take as their starting point an acceptance of the fluid nature of racism and the necessity to maintain dialogue in a respectful manner with all concerned, even with those who espouse racist views. It is necessary for educators to offer trust and empathy to all young people before mutual recognition and understanding of all racial identities can be achieved.