In 1928 the Conservative Party of British Columbia won an impressive electoral victory, taking 35 of the 48 seats in the legislature. The victory was a comeback for Conservatives since after forming consecutive governments during the years 1903-1916, they remained in opposition from 1916-1928. The comeback, however, was not to be permanent. Five years later, in the 1933 election, the Conservative Party met disaster. Not a single candidate running with the Conservative label was elected. Although their fortunes improved in the 1937 and 1941 elections, Conservatives would not again form a government on their own in British Columbia. Throughout the 1940s they shared power in a coalition government, but in so doing the forces were set in motion which culminated in the party's collapse in the early 1950s. The party suffered a massive defeat in the 1953 election, an event which marked the end of the Conservative Party as a serious contender in the province's electoral politics since Conservatives have been unable to make a showing in provincial elections in the 21 years since. What happened to the provincial Conservatives is the question addressed in this study. How did a party which has enjoyed a history of success in both the province's federal and provincial arenas lose, almost entirely, its support base in the early 1950s? The general approach of this study is historical-interpretative. An account and interpretation of the Conservatives' fate is given through a detailed analysis of the party's internal politics. The focus is on politicians (party leaders) and their efforts to build and maintain a party clientele, their definition of goals and the strategies devised to attain them. The major theme which emerges is that the party's ultimate failure to survive as a contender in provincial politics is inextricably bound up with the internal fractionalization that continued to plague it. This study begins by examining the period when the Conservative Party was one of two major parties in British Columbia. The background of this early period is important in understanding the principal actors and political conflicts which set the context for later events. The main body of the study examines the personalities and conflicts in the party during the years 1933-1954. The years of coalition government (1941-1952) are singled out for special treatment because the chain of events precipitated by the coalition ultimately led to the party's disintegration and collapse. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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Between 1906 and 1924 the Conservative party only won three parliamentary elections in North-east Wales - the Denbigh Boroughs division twice in 1910 and the county seat in Flintshire in 1924. Conversely the Liberal party won all the other elections throughout the period, with the exception of Wrexham which fell to Labour in 1922 and 1923. This, however, says more about the vagaries of the British 'first past the post' electoral system than it does about the true strength of the political parties in the region. Indeed, between 1906 and 1924 the Conservative party never averaged below 39 per cent of the electorate in the constituencies it contested. Given this impressive but unrecognised electoral position, what this study set out to do was to analyse the strength of Conservatism in a region where failure was the norm. The period was chosen because it saw the last Liberal administration in this country, and marked the start of the Conservative dominance of government for much of the twentieth century. It also saw one of the biggest cultural and social upheavals in British history with the advent of the First World War, and witnessed the enfranchisement of women for the first time.The general election of 1906 returned no Conservatives for Wales. In North Wales a conference was called to examine the situation and evaluate future prospects. This led to a review of party organisation in the region, the intention being not only to attract more working class people and women, but also to lessen the autocratic domination by the landed classes. In 1910 the Conservatives won the Denbigh Boroughs constituency with a large swing against the Liberals, and came very close to winning the Flint Boroughs by-election of 1913. The period of War, 1914-1918, saw all political parties moth-balled until the end of hostilities, but during the period of Coalition Government from 1918 to 1922 in which Liberal representation went almost unchallenged in North-east Wales, the Conservatives reorganised their Constituency Associations. By 1924 the landed domination of the party had diminished significantly, and in Flintshire the Conservatives won their first seat in an industrial working class area.Underpinning this success was a long-standing popular support, which after 1906 was better organised and mobilised for the Conservative cause through a variety of loosely attached organisations, societies and clubs. The Primrose League, an organisation that had been founded in 1883 to rally Conservative support, had a very high membership in the region compared to the rest of Wales. For example, the Denbigh Primrose League had over 800 members in 1912. A network of Conservative clubs existed in the region and as early as 1905 a thriving Workingmen's Association had been founded in Wrexham. The Conservative party was also well represented in local government; in Flintshire between 1907 and 1913 it had more county councillors than the Liberal party. In addition, the upheaval of War and the attraction of socialism to the newly enfranchised masses meant that the Conservative party had to widen its appeal to those people who had acquired the vote in 1918. By recruiting women and working class members the Conservative party was able to lay the foundations for a number of parliamentary successes in North-east Wales that lasted until the 1990s. It is therefore the contention of this thesis that the Conservative party not only survived a very difficult period, but that it emerged a strengthened and invigorated force.

Dignity is the concept most commonly associated with the biotechnological revolution, and almost always used by conservatives in ethics and politics to justify constraining research into novel biotechnologies like cloning, genetic enhancement and life extension. At the same time, dignity is often criticised as inadequate to play such a fundamental role in future-facing bioethics. This thesis is a work at the intersection of applied ethics and politics, and seeks to address two main questions: whether dignity is a useless, hopelessly vague concept, and whether dignity is an inherently political, specifically conservative concept. This problem will be addressed by analysing the concept of dignity as it is found in bioethics policy and in everyday life. Using this conceptual analysis, a structure will be identified that both liberal and conservatives have in common meaning that dignity is not hopelessly vague. Despite having analogous structures, the argument in this thesis shows that the liberal and conservative conceptions of dignity are intractable and both support different positions in many arguments. The implication of this is that dignity will not be useful in building a consensus around policies in future-facing bioethics.

Magister Scientiae (Physiotherapy) - MSc(Physio) / Osteoarthritis (OA) is the major cause of pain and disability in the elderly, as well as people younger than the age of 45. Research reported the importance of conservative management of OA in the early stages, as it has proved to be effective in slowing down the progression of the disease, as well as reducing the secondary effects of decreased functional ability and disability. Early referral could assist with effective pain management, decrease in disease progression and increase in functional ability and quality of life. Therefore, the overall aim of the study was to establish a profile of patients with OA, as well as to explore the perceptions and experiences of health professionals regarding the conservative management of OA at a tertiary hospital in Nigeria. The study employed a sequential exploratory mixed method approach, using a retrospective and exploratory study design for the quantitative and qualitative phases respectively. Data was collected from one hundred and thirty-five medical records of patients with OA, meeting the inclusion criteria of the study, and admitted at the University of Calabar Teaching Hospital (UCTH) from 1 January 2012 to 31 December 2016. The patient sample was predominantly female (n=80; 93%), with a mean age of 51.85 years old (SD=13.73). Thirteen (13) health professionals, eight (8) physiotherapists and five (5) orthopedic surgeons participated in the interviews. The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 24 was used to analyse quantitative data. Inferential and descriptive statistics were used to describe the results in terms of frequencies, percentages, means and standard deviation. Alpha level was set at 5%. Audio-taped qualitative data was transcribed verbatim, and analysed using categories and themes. Permission to conduct the study was obtained from the University of the Western Cape Biomedical Research Ethics Committee (BMREC).

Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly / This dissertation explores the ultraconservative Republican and moderate conservative Republican movements in Dallas, Texas between 1952 and 1964, an essential period in which the GOP abandoned its longstanding identification as the party of President Lincoln and Reconstruction and adopted the Southern Strategy. While the first generation of scholars of American conservatism recognized the influence of ultraconservatives who embraced conspiracy theory, absolutist thinking, and apocalyptic rhetoric, the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the impact of this ultraconservative worldview and stress moderate conservatives' upward mobility and mainstream and modern values. Through the lens of the Republican Party in Dallas, Texas--an epicenter of American conservative Republicanism in the 1950s and 1960s--this dissertation argues that while moderate conservative Republicans were important, ultraconservatives Republicans were more essential to the conservative Republican ascendancy. The dissertation shows that ultraconservative Republicans standing on the "fringe" of mainstream conservatism served not only to push many Republicans to embrace right-wing ideas, but mainstreamed and legitimated the moderate conservative Republicans in the 1950s and 1960s. In showing that ultraconservatives mattered more than historians previously thought, the dissertation suggests that the most recent scholarship has overcompensated for the first generation of historians, who tended to pathologize the Right and dismiss its staying power. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

acase@tulane.edu / 1 / Eimeel Carolina Castillo Doña

Recent research finds that conservative Protestants are cohabiting in no small numbers. Given the strict moral orientation of conservative Protestants, that outcome appears paradoxical. This thesis explains that paradox through the culture in action models of Swidler (1986), given the social and economic location of conservative Protestants. The thesis employs pooled General Social Survey data from 1993 to 2008 in which a question is asked that indicates cohabitation. The thesis finds that the social and economic location of conservative Protestants is related to their cohabiting. Though conservative Protestant cohabitors have lessened religiosity, much of the decline in religiosity compared to married conservative Protestants is due to the factors leading to cohabitation. But views and practices on premarital sex are the greatest factor in reducing that difference. The evidence in this thesis lends support to Swidler’s models of settled and unsettled lives in explaining cohabitation among conservative Protestants.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Commonwealth University, 2009. / Prepared for: Dept. of Public Policy and Administration. Title from title-page of electronic thesis. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 230-249).