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Districts are intermediary legislative institutions that structure the relationship between constituents and legislatures. Situated between citizens and their elected representatives, districts mediate citizen-legislator interaction, and may have wide-reaching effects on the representational relationship. By creating a political community, defining its interests by delineating its scale and boundaries, and structuring interaction between constituents and their elected representatives, districts shape the representational relationship. District characteristics alter the representational experience for constituents with very real consequences for trust in government, evaluations of legislative institutions and representatives, perceptions of responsiveness, and the degree and type of constituent-legislator communication. Three district characteristics are examined: the population size of legislative districts (constituency size), the shape of district boundaries (geographical compactness, and the extent to which district boundaries follow pre-existing political subdivision boundaries (boundary coterminousness). Using Census data and GIS, measures of these characteristics are created for every state legislative and congressional district (post-2000 redistricting) in the United States. These characteristics are combined with public opinion data to test for their influence on attitudes toward government, legislative institutions, and legislators, as well as the closeness of the representational relationship. The findings suggest constituency size is an important determinant of evaluations of government, institutions, and legislators at both the state and congressional level. The geographical districting principles of compactness and coterminousness influence the amount of constituent-legislator communication, knowledge of representatives, and in-person contact with representatives, primarily at the congressional district level. For decades, legislative districts have been drawn as if they matter only for the electoral success of legislative candidates and the partisan and racial groups those candidates represent. The primary contribution of this work is to show that districts matter beyond defining the dominant partisan or racial attributes of district constituents. Districts influence how representation is experienced by constituents.

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Abstract Recently, The ¡uDigital Revolution¡vchanges the store of the knowledge. The traditional conveyance of knowledge, book, have been gradually replaced by store equipments that have immense storage. Then, the internet totally changes information of the exchange. For the reason, the new storage technology and the specialization of the internet make the application and management of information a new landmark. The provision and exchange of public information are the essential activities in a democratic regime. But local study mostly focus on the administration, little study on legislative Yuan. Hence, this paper is intended to investigate representative behavior of Taiwan¡¦s legislators. Legislators are the representative of constituency. They are not only responsible for constituency, but need to monitor administration, law-making. Exchange of information is of utmost significance. The appearance of internet has positive affect on representative behavior of legislators, this paper discuss all of topics. Finally, after the seventh phrase of constitutional reform, the number of seats that legislators have reduce to half in th legislature. In addition, the legislators suffer the pressure of a single-constituency, two ballot system. I believe that legislators¡¦ paying more attention to the access the internet helps improve the quality of the activating in constituencies. I expect that the results of this study may increase the legislature revolution.

This thesis examines a previously unstudied site of interaction: the constituency office. At the constituency office, Members of Parliament (MPs) hold MP surgeries , during which they help constituents to solve their personal difficulties. This thesis provides the first analysis of interactions at the constituency office. It is the only place where ordinary citizens can meet their MP; as such, it also provides the first analysis of face-to-face, unmediated interactions between politicians and their constituents. For this study, 12.5 hours of interactional data were recorded at the office of an MP in the United Kingdom, comprising over 80 encounters between office staff, the MP, and their constituents. The MP was of the majority ( government ) party at the time of recording. The data were analyzed using conversation analysis (CA), in order to investigate how the social activities of the constituency office were accomplished through interaction. The first analytic chapter reveals the overall structure of constituency office encounters, as well as examining what constituents say when they call or visit the office, and how they express that they are in need of assistance. This chapter finds that constituents avoid making direct requests of their MP, and instead use narrative descriptions. These descriptions manage interactional challenges including the unknown nature of the institution (Stokoe, 2013b), contingency and entitlement (Drew & Curl, 2008), reasonableness and legitimacy (Edwards & Stokoe, 2007; Heritage & Robinson, 2006), and recruitment (Kendrick & Drew, 2016). The second analytic chapter examines the action of offering, and finds it to be the central mechanism for transacting service. The staff use different offer designs to index different nuances in the offering action, such as asking permission or confirming an activity. Both the first and second analytic chapters show that systematic deployment of offers help control the direction of the encounters and tacitly instruct constituents as to what services are available. Furthermore, both of these chapters show the flexibility participants employed in turn design and action ascription, which extends previous descriptions of how requests and offers are constructed (Couper-Kuhlen, 2014; Curl, 2006) and supports recent calls for a more nuanced approach to action description from conversation analysts (Kendrick & Drew, 2014; Sidnell & Enfield, 2014). The third analytic chapter investigates the ostensibly political context of the constituency office, and how the MP and constituents raise political topics in conversation. The chapter finds that the term political is challenging to define in live interactions, and relies on the concept of politicizing (Hay, 2007) statements that upgrade (or downgrade) a topic into greater (or lesser) public and governmental concern. Both the MP and constituents were found to initiate political topics, but in different ways. The MP initiated political topics in explicit references to government, in order to provide evidence that the government was aligned with constituents interests. The constituents initiated political topics in vague and indirect references to recent policy changes, and avoided implicating the MP in any criticisms. The findings suggest that constituents privilege interactional norms (such as not criticizing a co-present interlocutor) over any potential interest in making political critiques. The chapter also discusses what impact these findings may have on concepts such as power and evasion . The final analytic chapter assesses the concept of rapport , finding that it is difficult for both participants and analysts to determine long-term outcomes from local, interactional occurrences in interaction. Rapport is important for MPs who may be attempting to build a personal vote relationship with constituents, but this chapter also finds that constituents have a stake in building rapport in order to receive the best (or any) service. The chapter finds that while traditional practices for building rapport , such as doing small talk or finding common ground, are problematic to employ and assess from an interactional perspective, other local outcomes such as progressivity (Fogarty, Augoustinos & Kettler, 2013) and affiliation (Clark, Drew & Pinch, 2003) may be more useful indicators of positive interactions. This chapter concludes that we need a more nuanced, and interactionally-based, framework to train practitioners (and clients) in effective communication practices. This thesis challenges the conversation analytic literature by finding that the constituency office setting revolves around a more flexible ascription of requests than many studies have previously accepted, and that we can analyze actions as if on a spectrum, rather than in bounded categories. The thesis also contributes to the political discourse literature by finding that constituents activities at the constituency office are strongly influenced by interactional norms, rather than political attitudes. Finally, this thesis provides a basis from which to study the constituency office, as a site of service interaction.

Political parties in the United Kingdom are increasingly focusing their constituency-level campaigns on marginal seats; such a focus has been echoed by academic researchers studying the effectiveness of intense constituency campaigning in boosting local electoral outcomes. Yet there has been little investigation into the impact of the redirection of campaigning resources on safe constituencies; while existing research suggests that intense campaigns are effective in boosting local electoral outcomes, it is possible that a relative lack of campaigning may be harmful. This thesis addresses this gap by exploring in detail the detrimental impact of low level campaigning on both turnout and vote share in safe constituencies by the Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats. The study is situated within the literature of campaign effectiveness, also drawing on theories of voter behaviour. It offers a critical evaluation of existing research into constituency campaigning, contending not only that a lack of campaigning can be harmful, but also that these effects are impacted by nuances of local incumbency and party differentials. To explore this, the thesis conducts a quantitative examination of the effects of constituency campaigning conducted at UK general elections from 1987 to 2010. It also expands existing literature in two ways; by formulating and applying a refined way in which to measure relative levels of campaigning, and also exploring the potential of leader visits as a measure of local campaigning for the first time in the UK. The focus on rebalancing attention towards safe constituencies places the concept of marginality at the core of this thesis. In exploring the concept in detail, potential explanations for the origins of marginality are considered, drawing on theories of population stability and party support bases. Using a refined measure of relative levels of campaigning, a link is established between marginality and campaigning, which also considers the important role of incumbency. When exploring the impact of low levels of campaigning, the results indicate that in many cases there is a harmful impact on both turnout and vote share, although the effects are greater for the latter. The findings suggest that local incumbency is a central factor in deciding the detrimental impact of low levels of campaigning, with such campaigns run by opposition parties resulting in far greater declines in their vote share when compared to equivalent campaigns run by incumbents. In an era of increasing focus on marginal constituencies during election campaigns, this thesis explicitly considers the impact of a lack of campaigning in safe constituencies, the role of incumbency and also applies new measures. In doing so, new empirical insights are produced into the importance of constituency campaigning in the UK, through an approach both rooted in and building upon existing studies.

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This thesis investigates whether and how public policies can help build industrial clusters. The research applies a case study method based on 60 interviews to the emerging information communication technology (ICT) clusters in Scotland and Hong Kong. The analysis uses Molina’s sociotechnical constituency (STC) framework and its associated ‘diamond of alignment’, which help focus on two interrelated dimensions: 1) the complex technical and social aspects of the design, implementation and evolution of the Scottish and Hong Kong ICT clusters and 2) the difficulties of developing a cluster in the context of major diversity of organisational interests and patterns of interaction. This research revealed that the cluster building effort in the two regions has been fraught with difficulties due to misalignment between the perceptions and pursuits of policy makers and the interests of industry members. This thesis concludes that cluster building is an evolutionary process of sociotechnical alignment which can be facilitated by feedback and learning. It also suggests that for successful cluster building to take place, policy makers should focus on stimulating the processes of cluster formation, including the building up of the technological capabilities of the industrial actors, while facilitating the integration of the major actors’ interests and demands with the policy programmes. Cluster building involves the development of new ways of thinking as well as the practice of networking; it necessitates the coherent effort of collective learning and a long-term commitment to change the existing technological system. A long-term adaptive policy programme should be pursued to focus on effectively aligning the interests and pursuits of the different actors in the cluster at various stages.

Congressional roll-call votes are often used to investigate legislative voting behavior. To depict adaptive roll-call behavior in response to demographic changes that occur during redistricting, I use issue specific interest group scores from the ADA, NFU, and COPE. This exploits the bias in the selection of the issues that interest groups utilize to rate U.S. representatives, by using them to reflect changes in response to significant demographic fluctuations in the constituency population. The findings indicate that while party is the most significant factor in whether legislators adapt their voting in favor of certain groups, they do notice group composition changes within district and adapt their voting accordingly. This illustrates the impact of redistricting on policy and legislators' adaptation to changes in district composition.