M.Comm. / Economists usually distinguish between five macroeconomic objectives, namely, high and sustainable economic growth, full employment, price stability, balance of payments stability and the equitable distribution of income. This research deals with the economics of organised crime. It aims to examine the relationship between organised crime and the five macroeconomic objectives. To prove that organised crime has an impact on macroeconomic stability, it is necessary to show that it involves large sums of money relative to overall economic activity. Crime has always been mentioned as a factor that has an impact on the economic growth of a country, but the extent to which crime constrains growth and by what mechanisms it limits growth and development is unknown. This can be attributed to the underground nature of most organised criminal activities, such as money laundering. Very little research has been done on the costs and the extent of organised crime on the macroeconomy of South Africa. In attempting to quantify the costs of crime relative to the macroeconomy of South Africa, this research identifies various organised criminal activities. It examines the extent of the costs and the threats they pose to the macroeconomic stability of South Africa. This research shows that the political transformation and the resultant globalisation of South Africa during the early 1990s provided an ideal opportunity for organised crime structures to expand. It also shows that organised crime imposes direct and indirect costs on households and businesses, and therefore on the economy of South Africa as a whole. Organised crime diverts funds that could otherwise be invested in productive capacity, it discourages foreign investment and induces the government to spend money on law enforcement, crime prevention and the administration of justice, instead of spending it on the creation of additional employment opportunities. Tax revenue is also lost to money laundering. The abuse of the informal economy by money launderers has an impact on growth. Crime has prevented the growth of the tourist industry to its full potential given the country’s reputation of violence. A loss of skilled personnel who left the country has also been experienced, citing crime as a reason to immigrate.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-23T13:08:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Júlia Battistuzzi Penachioni.pdf: 1880890 bytes, checksum: ce978eef9cfb8d02702f7c7d748d4701 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-23T13:08:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Júlia Battistuzzi Penachioni.pdf: 1880890 bytes, checksum: ce978eef9cfb8d02702f7c7d748d4701 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation seeks to analyze how sexual violence in armed conflicts and in widespread or systematic attacks has become an international crime, and is criminalized especially by the International Criminal Court (ICC), responsible for characterizing it as a crime against humanity and a war crime, in addition to allowing it to be understood as a form of genocide. For a long time, sexual violence has been seen as an inevitable part of war, notion that will change with the new forms of global accountability — such as individual criminal accountability, contemplated by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Courts that contributed to bring sexual violence in armed conflict to prominence, as well as opening important precedents for what would later be understood by the ICC — together with the construction of a solid normative basis, which strengthened the legal foundations that culminated in the formation of the Rome Statute of the ICC / A presente dissertação busca analisar de que maneira a violência sexual em conflitos armados e em ataques generalizados ou sistemáticos tornou-se um crime internacional, sendo criminalizada sobretudo pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), responsável por caracterizá-la como um crime contra a humanidade e como crime de guerra, além de possibilitar que fosse entendida como uma forma de genocídio. Durante muito tempo a violência sexual foi considerada como uma parte inevitável da guerra, concepção que vai se alterar a partir das novas formas de prestação de contas global — como a responsabilização penal individual, observada no Tribunal Penal Internacional para a antiga Iugoslávia (TPII) e no Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda (TPIR), Cortes que contribuíram para que a violência sexual em conflitos armados fosse colocada em evidência, além de abrir precedentes de grande relevância para o que mais tarde seria entendido pelo TPI — em conjunto com a construção de uma base normativa sólida, que fortificou os fundamentos legais que culminaram na formação do Estatuto de Roma do TPI

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The paper explores the dynamics and moral economy surrounding vagrancy mass arrests in New Orleans following the Civil War. While vagrancy laws receive a brief mention in many Reconstruction studies, scholars have overlooked the phenomenon"'s remarkable particulars, under which Federal and local authorities incarcerated and forcibly relocated thousands of black and white children, women and men in New Orleans alone. More broadly, the paper interrogates the dynamics between race, labor, class, and constructions of criminality. / John Bardes

University of Technology, Sydney. / What first attracted me to crime fiction written by women? Many things, but foremost amongst them were the strong female voice found in the first person narrative, the mythical themes of challenge and resolution, social analysis and politics. Especially politics. In this dissertation I'll investigate the manner in which women writers appropriated the crime genre in the 1970s and 1980s and gave voice to the feminist utopian ideals of equality, access to work and participation in political structures. In doing so, I'll ask, did the writers set out to explore politics close to the feminist heart through the crime novel's stylised conventions of fast moving story line, the charismatic detective, exposure of corruption and the first hand observation of the social disjunction caused by it? I'll also question the authors' reasons for choosing crime when other literary forms were available to them. Was this choice made because crime fiction reflected women's changing status? Because it challenged one of the most masculine of literary bastions and gave the genre a whole new lease on life through the female voice? Or did other factors contribute to their decisions? In exploring crime fiction published since the nineteen seventies and interviewing writers about their literary intents, I will argue that crime fiction increasingly has become the genre in which major political themes are played out. Whilst many feminist non crime writers explored dysfunctional relationships with their partners, parents, and children, feminist crime fiction writers were interested in exposing dysfunctional social and economic relationships. These politics were framed in different ways and not all crime writers actively set out to write polemically. Nor did they see their fiction as a political tool. For many, the crime novel's structures lent themselves to an inadvertent exploration of social themes, an organic process, if you like, of crime and punishment, social analysis and utopian resolution. My exploration of these themes commences in Chapter One, with a broad overview of the scope of the 'political' issues central to my thesis. A serial discussion of politics, of crime writers' interpretations of their political ideas is covered in Chapters Two, Three and Four. The politics that influenced the manner in which I write concludes the dissertation. The achievement of a happy balance in relation to a multiplicity of social and political concerns, I assert throughout my work, confronts women crime writers every time they pick up their pens to write. Whether they set out to write deliberately for women or for a wider audience, to argue against feminist interpretation or, separatist, embrace it, in creating a female victim, a female villain, a female crusading detective, in anticipating their female readers, they are recreating and redefining the ways in which women see the world. And that, I will argue, is political.

University of Technology, Sydney. / What first attracted me to crime fiction written by women? Many things, but foremost amongst them were the strong female voice found in the first person narrative, the mythical themes of challenge and resolution, social analysis and politics. Especially politics. In this dissertation I'll investigate the manner in which women writers appropriated the crime genre in the 1970s and 1980s and gave voice to the feminist utopian ideals of equality, access to work and participation in political structures. In doing so, I'll ask, did the writers set out to explore politics close to the feminist heart through the crime novel's stylised conventions of fast moving story line, the charismatic detective, exposure of corruption and the first hand observation of the social disjunction caused by it? I'll also question the authors' reasons for choosing crime when other literary forms were available to them. Was this choice made because crime fiction reflected women's changing status? Because it challenged one of the most masculine of literary bastions and gave the genre a whole new lease on life through the female voice? Or did other factors contribute to their decisions? In exploring crime fiction published since the nineteen seventies and interviewing writers about their literary intents, I will argue that crime fiction increasingly has become the genre in which major political themes are played out. Whilst many feminist non crime writers explored dysfunctional relationships with their partners, parents, and children, feminist crime fiction writers were interested in exposing dysfunctional social and economic relationships. These politics were framed in different ways and not all crime writers actively set out to write polemically. Nor did they see their fiction as a political tool. For many, the crime novel's structures lent themselves to an inadvertent exploration of social themes, an organic process, if you like, of crime and punishment, social analysis and utopian resolution. My exploration of these themes commences in Chapter One, with a broad overview of the scope of the 'political' issues central to my thesis. A serial discussion of politics, of crime writers' interpretations of their political ideas is covered in Chapters Two, Three and Four. The politics that influenced the manner in which I write concludes the dissertation. The achievement of a happy balance in relation to a multiplicity of social and political concerns, I assert throughout my work, confronts women crime writers every time they pick up their pens to write. Whether they set out to write deliberately for women or for a wider audience, to argue against feminist interpretation or, separatist, embrace it, in creating a female victim, a female villain, a female crusading detective, in anticipating their female readers, they are recreating and redefining the ways in which women see the world. And that, I will argue, is political.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1985. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves [282]-288.

Thesis (J.D.)--University of Chicago, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

In the literature researchers don't agree whether news content in China in an era of media commercialization still functions to promote the dominant ideology of the ruling Communist Party. The thesis is a theoretical discussion of ideology, ideological hegemony and its evolving nature, with the consideration of Chinese situations. The theoretical discussion concludes that the dominant ideology in China is changing with the demands of a changing world, and so is media's representation of ideology. With some explorative data of crime news on three domestic and non-domestic news web sites to illustrate the theoretical discussion, the author of the thesis finds that in an era of media commercialization the ideological influence still plays a bigger role than the commercial influence in shaping crime news content of domestic media. Moreover, ideological messages are distributed through crime news in such subtle and indirect forms as the selection of official news sources, the frequent indication of the death penalty, the positive presentation of the police, and the attribution of individual causes to crime.