see document / Master of Science

see document / Master of Science

Six experiments were run to determine whether the duration of conditioned defensive burying (COB) in rats is a function of its consequences. Four experiments developed the methodology. Experiment 1 replicated the standard one-trial experiment, where rats are shocked once by a prod. All three rats exhibited CDB. Experiment 2 used a lever-press-for-water contingency to force recontact with the lever, following shock deliveries in Sessions 6 and 14. All three rats buried the lever in both sessions. Experiment 3 replicated Experiment 2, employing albino and hooded rats. All six buried the lever. The albinos exhibited longer burying durations. Experiment 4 used the lever-press-for-water contingency but employed extinction to test whether rats would bury the lever under that condition. They did not. Experiment 5 used three groups of rats to determine whether burying durations are a function of CDB's consequences. Groups LS and LSH had enough sawdust to cover the lever, but a hole under the lever was opened during LSH's burying. Group SS lacked enough sawdust to cover the lever. The groups' mean burying durations (MBDs) were not significantly different in Session 6. Following Session 14, group differences and a group-by-session interaction were statistically significant. Effect sizes for Groups LS and SS were large. Group LS's MBD increased, Group LSH's remained unchanged, and Group SS's decreased. Experiment 6 used two groups of rats to determine whether MBDs are a function of shock source visibility. Group C's substratum consisted of uncolored, transparent Plexiglas blocks. Group B had black, opaque blocks. Only the group-by-session interaction was statistically significant. The MBDs of Groups Band C paralleled those of Groups LS and SS in Experiment 5. The effect sizes for C and B were large and medium, respectively. CDB occurred in all experiments where the rats received shocks, and CDB was reproduced in experiments where the animals were forced to recontact the shock source through a lever-press-for-water contingency. CDB durations are a function of their consequences. Rats whose burying covers or blocks the shock source from view exhibit longer burying durations in succeeding shock trials. Rats whose burying is ineffective exhibit shorter durations.

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This dissertation studies public attitudes toward nuclear weapons. When do people become more willing to endorse a preemptive nuclear strike against a foreign country? Utilizing theoretical insights from international relations, comparative politics, and social psychology and original experimental survey data from Israel and the U.S., this dissertation aims to answer these questions. Influential strands of scholarship argue that both the public and political elites have internalized anti-nuclear norms. The critics, however, assert that the moral nuclear taboo lacks robustness. The dissertation joins this debate by offering a novel theoretical framework informed by terror management theory (TMT) and suggests that people are more likely to support extreme forms of warfare (e.g., nuclear strikes) when reminded of their own mortality. Thus, consequentialist factors, such as perceived utility, and psychological factors, such as moral foundations theory and TMT can be causal mechanism in the support for nuclear weapons. The findings support this argument as respondents who are treated with increased salience of their own mortality are more likely to support the use of nuclear weapons. Further, the results show that political ideology, threat perception, and religion are all significant factors in shaping individuals' attitudes towards the use of nuclear weapons. Lastly, the work suggests that Israelis in particular tend to support hawkish national security options at the aggregate level. There is a positive effect of conflict events on Israelis' support for hawkish policies. Overall, this dissertation makes a substantial contribution to our current understanding of public opinion on the use of nuclear weapons in a first strike and why nuclear weapons disarmament, elimination, and non-proliferation is deeply challenging.

This study investigated what determines successful transatlantic defense policy cooperation and how that cooperation can reduce the military capability gap between the United States and its European NATO allies. It examines the differing defense policies and defense capabilities between the United States and its European NATO allies. Several theories in International Relations were also used as a foundation for the argument that cooperation is needed. The approach to defense policy is very different between the United States and Europe. The strategic vision of the world of both parties differs as well. Policy, doctrine and defense projects are all taken into consideration and analyzed. Based on the results of the analysis of policy and doctrines, the policy recommendation is that there should be more cooperation on defense policy planning, military doctrine and defense projects conducted in the effective fashion of current successful cases. The European NATO members will also need to cooperate on such policy if the military capability gap is to be lessened.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

Disasters are responsible for main disruptions in individuals and communities' lives, affecting their prosperity. The research on this topic is motivated by the increasing number of natural hazards deteriorating into catastrophic events as a result of antropogenic factors. By focusing on how institutions, their decision-making processes, and procedural arrangements, affect multi-actor coordination in international and national disasters, with a three-paper structure, this work represents a systematic investigation of the role of institutions in disaster operations. The second chapter investigates the decision-making process of the United Nations (UN) Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) about the strategy of coordination to adopt when civilians and militaries are involved in humanitarian operations in disaster-affected countries. The results of the archival research, content, analysis, and interviews, show that in insecure settings, such as where the disaster affected-country has low state capacity, civilians and militaries are more likely to merely coexist in the field rather than cooperating. The third and fourth chapters explore the role of political representation and electoral competition in the United States (US) and how differences in the political status between States and Territories can affect their emergency management capabilities in the preparedness, response, and recovery phases. Chapter three investigates political representation via content analysis and interviews, showing how the limited representation and no voting rights at the Congress can prevent Territories in advocating for emergency management legislation and budgeting. Chapter four investigates electoral competion via statistical and spatial analysis, showing how being a State or a Territory, does not matter when it comes to the federal public assistance, and what it does is the electoral competitiveness of the county/municipality and whether it hosts government's offices.

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