Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Philosophy at the University of Zululand, 2011. / The study acknowledges that there have been attempts by scholars of African politics to explain the problems impeding the smooth running and consolidation of democracy in Africa. The acknowledgement of these previous efforts notwithstanding, the thesis sets out to show the value of a philosophical reaction to the positions of scholars on the issue, as a shift towards a better approach to it. It makes an examination, which exposes the inadequacy of the previous approach to the explanation of the problems militating against the democratic project in Africa. The thesis is not therapeutic. It is primarily diagnostic. Therefore, it did not set out to prescribe some procedural steps to change the ailing political system in Africa. Rather, it has identified the shortcomings of previous approaches to the problem of democracy in Africa, which, has portrayed Africans as mere effects of causes, and incapable of taking control of their own life situations. In the analysis, the scholars had argued that the unstable state of democracy in Africa has been caused by some internal and external factors. That is, by implication, Africa has been caused to be what it is. This study rejects the causal model of explanation taken uncritically from the Newtonian physics by the scholars of African politics in their explanations of the political challenges of Africa. This study argues that by applying the causal explanation, the scholars have implied that Africa is not more than a mere effect of causes, and therefore, incapable of a self-motivated and a free action. They have also implied that their own analyses were either caused or false Consequently, the study proposes that any reliable explanation of the problems militating against the democratic project in Africa must be non-causal in structure. That is, an explanation in which my explanations, as an African, are my own wilful actions. By so doing, the study has initiated a new consciousness of who I am as an African. It initiated the consciousness of the fact that such factors as colonialism and corrupt leadership in Africa may have had serious influences on the trajectory of my own history as an Africa, but they do not determine my situation in the deterministic cause and effect relation in the manner in which the scholars intended. / Education Trust Fund (Nigeria Government)

The period of ‘people’s power’ in South Africa from 1985-7 represented for many participants a form of participatory, and often prefigurative, democracy. In the post-1994 period South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) has committed to participatory democracy alongside representative democratic government. There has, however, been no clearly articulated theory of participatory democracy within the ANC. Through a combination of interviews and analysis of primary documents (including policy frameworks, legislation, discussion documents, guidance and other commentary), this thesis analyses the ANC’s understanding of participatory democracy as both a liberation movement in opposition and a government in power. While making a contribution to normative democratic debate, the thesis also challenges arguments which suggest that the democracy established in post-1994 South Africa is unrelated to people’s power or that people’s power in its entirety represented a superior form of democracy. Instead, it is argued that people’s power constituted a variety of overlapping themes and discourses. Elements were rooted in radical democratic theory, community activism, and ideas of popular empowerment. However it was also markedly influenced by Marxist-Leninist thought and a dominant notion of vanguardism. Overall, people’s power embraced a largely unitary form of democracy in which participation could only be exercised within the framework of the liberation movement. Into the democratic era, many of the ideas informing people’s power were woven into policy on participatory democracy. What also emerged, however, were new ideas and influences from development theory, governance discourse and international best practice. While these strands have themselves created conceptual tension - between the dual demands of performance and efficiency and citizen participation - public policy nonetheless provides politically pluralistic mechanisms for citizen influence. This thesis argues that alongside public policy discourse is a separate and distinct discourse of participation from the ANC as a movement. Here, vanguardism remains the dominant conceptual thread in which participation is seen as a means of fulfilling the NDR and extending ANC hegemony. As such, the teleological nature of participation as conceived by the ANC risks undermining the public policy objective of increasing citizen influence.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 18, 2007) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

The Supreme Court of Kenya was the first on the Continent to nullify a Presidential election after it departed from the hitherto used substantial effect rule in election determination, thus ushering a new era where the quality of the elections process, and not merely the numerical results truly mattered in an election. Section 83 of the Elections Act which was the ‘fulcrum’ that enabled the Supreme Court to depart from the substantial effect rule no longer exists in Kenyan law. This means that there is a risk that the courts may fall back to applying the restrictive substantial effect rule. This dissertation interrogates the legal framework on elections disputes resolution in Kenya, and particularly explores how the qualitative aspects of the election process can continue to play an essential role in the adjudication of election disputes in Kenya even in absence of section 83 of the Elections Act as it were. This dissertation argues that even in the absence of specific statutory guidelines on how the courts may adjudicate election petitions, there are constitutional and other legal provisions that can still guide the court to arrive at a decision that ensures procedural, qualitative and substantive justice when deciding election matters. The dissertation also argues that it is of paramount importance that the National Assembly re-introduces the original (disjunctive) section 83 into the Elections Act to ensure that in cases where the elections are held in an environment of substantial illegalities and irregularities, then the courts shall have specific statutory tools to deliver substantive electoral justice. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria 2021. / Centre for Human Rights / LLM / Unrestricted

The research study emphasizes the significance of public participation in integrated development planning at the local level of government in South Africa. The introduction of a democratic dispensation highlighted the idea of public participation and placed it in the spotlight. The typology is described and presented within the locus and focus of municipal strategic management, and the context and operation of development planning in the current local government dispensation. The literature review presents a theoretical analysis of the local government systems and processes necessary for enhanced citizen participation, and further examines integrated development planning as a strategic communication tool that emphasizes the social praxis of ongoing dialogue with local communities. Furthermore, a concentration on public administration within municipal strategic governance, integrated development planning and public participation will facilitate an in-depth coverage of materials relating to developmental governance within the current context in South Africa. Much has happened to affect the field of local government in South Africa. Of significance, is the impact of public participation via integrated development planning. An integrated development plan is therefore regarded as a strategic management tool that serves as a guideline and informs all planning activities, outcomes, outputs and impact of a municipality. The emphasis, therefore, of this research is centred around an evaluation of eThekwini Municipality's strategic plan focusing on public participation in its integrated development plan which feeds into its Long Term Development Plan (LTDF) for 2020, an analysis of the roles of key stakeholders in the political-management interface between the Council and local communities, and the integration of municipal resources in its long-term planning activities and developmental outcomes. This enquiry therefore culminated in an extensive literature review of municipal strategic planning in eThekwini Municipality within KwaZulu-Natal. Citizen participation through the integrated development plan ought to be viewed as simple and uncomplicated, and is aimed at increasing levels of education and literacy amongst local communities. To this end, the Municipality focuses its integrated development plan on Umsebenzi (Keeping You Informed). Through its strategic approach that "citizens are the centre of the focus, and not an add on through mere political rhetoric", the integrated development plan can serve as an archetype of strong civic-focused leadership. Moving beyond urban pathologies and local bureaucracies and despite a promising and sophisticated institutional framework for public participation, there is still a lack of participation in the local government structures. One of the factors that help to make the public participation cliché move beyond mere lip service is active engagement or holistic integration. The research examines and analyzes some of the factors for poor or non-performance in the municipal dichotomy, and the dynamics of public participation in integrated development planning amidst metropolitan urban management. The research arrays the study in a framework that leads to some key recommendations, and brings the following observations to light: • Ensure that the municipal functionaries and the local communities are oriented for more constructive and robust engagement of civil society issues; • Investment in strengthening local governing capacities because municipalities need increased emphasis on strategic planning as opposed to master-planning mechanistic models; • Focus on pragmatism and the promotion of joint learning through genuine interaction with local communities using the bottom-up approach as opposed to a top-down approach; • Undertake research and take proactive steps to manage dynamic climate change in response to economic and socio-environmental needs and sustainable development; • Facilitate social programmes which will emphasis and illustrate the potential development axis, and serve as connexions aimed at addressing grassroots issues and delivering visible and practical outcomes via the integrated development plan, and • Establishing a co-operative community culture invoked by civic pride and public involvement. From the afore-going discussion, the research emphasizes that each trait and focus of development is a distinct variable, and can lead to a new kind of experimentalism when working with local communities, which can contribute to mutual enrichment for urban efficiency and community satisfaction. The outputs of strategic interventions by municipalities affect the communities and help shape their subsequent inputs. Finally, the satisfaction of public desires depends on aspirations, as well as achievements. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2008.

The study is a monograph on participation in local government in South Africa. Participation is framed within the theoretical perspectives of representative democracy and its off-shoot, deliberative democracy. The research draws from three conceptual aspects: the main theories of democracy and participation contemplating the local sphere of government; the policy framework staging the interactions between the key participants, namely, local government and civil society formations; and the institutional spaces, values and attitudes involved therein. The problematique of the research in terms of the three conceptual aspects are: to show that representative democracy has declined in favour of participation praxis; to assess policy coherence for effective participation at the local sphere; and to examine the accommodation of new participative spaces. To this end, the research undertook an extensive literature review and an empirical study of the eThekwini Municipal Area, in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The literature review indicated three learnings. Firstly, there was a decline in representative democracy, with decreasing emphasis on the electoral mode of politics. Rather, the tendency shifted towards supplementation with forms of public participation. Public participation and engagement developed into an off-shoot of representative democracy, now known pervasively as deliberative democracy and discursive democracy. The basis of these new democratic approaches means that citizens ought to have a hand in, and influence public decisions. Secondly, participation has taken new democratic forms that could be viewed alternatively as space; dialogue and deliberation; rights; development; decentralization; and accountability. Thirdly, new spaces for participation could be viewed in the form of political society and social capital vis-a-vis international agreements; poverty eradication; public administration; and the combined import of administrative law and judicial review. In terms of the aims of the study, the work revealed that the participatory framework is based upon extensive theoretical and policy understandings. Participation is adequately captured in constitutional and legislative instruments in South Africa. The Draft National Policy Framework for Public Participation, 2005 is a concrete outcome of South African local government preparedness to engage in meaningful participative discourse and praxis. In terms of the research problems of the study, the work concluded the following: • there is agreement on the part of stakeholders for engagement in parallel representative and participative forms of governance; • local government participative policy appears sound but there is a need for convergent understanding on the part of the different participants, namely, municipal councillors; community stakeholders; and actors within the municipality; and • there is evidence of contrasting debates on aspects of participatory praxis, but on the whole, participants have taken a knowledgeable and practical approach to new spaces for participation. The study makes six recommendations: •Brief and consult councillors, community stakeholders, and municipal actors on the findings of the study. (This exercise will serve two purposes, namely, to verify the findings of the study; and to develop a concrete programme for participation in the eThekwini Municipal Area, including a code of best practice). •Develop a capacity building programme on judicial review for the three categories of stakeholders, namely, municipal councillors, municipal officials, and community stakeholders. •Undertake further research on democratic participative forms at the local government level with particular focus on effective praxis through administrative justice. •Initiate developmental programmes and case studies based upon participation praxis to address the most acute problems experienced by select local communities in the eThekwini Municipal Area. •Make input into the review of provincial and local government policy processes initiated by the South African government and co-ordinated by the Department of Provincial and Local Government. • Triangulate and establish the theoretical relationships of participation, democracy and governance. The conclusions of the study reflect positively on the ideational foundations of participation and willingness of stakeholders to adopt new forms of discursive politics. The six recommendations of the work can serve to advance research and policy planning in the local government sphere in South Africa. / Thesis (DPA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2008.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-167). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (MHCS (History)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-167). Also available on the Internet.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) / In recent years, growing concerns over the strength of South Africa’s democracy appear to indicate a population increasingly disillusioned and dissatisfied with the quality of its implementation. The overall purpose of this study was to assess the quality of democracy in South Africa after 17 years of democracy and in so doing, to ascertain whether or not this growing perception is valid. The study is essentially an audit of South Africa’s democracy (with a personally derived method of scoring included) and utilises two existing analytical frameworks of democracy assessment, International IDEA’s State of Democracy framework and Leonardo Morlino’s tool for empirical research on democratic qualities, TODEM. The strengths of these two international frameworks are adapted to be applicable specifically to an assessment of South Africa’s democracy. The assessment is based on an analysis of primary and secondary literature and is informed by formal personal interviews and informal personal discussions with identified experts in the various democratic dimensions under assessment. Personal scoring is then based on the qualitative information derived together with the input from these experts which points to shortcomings, deficiencies, achievements and successes in South Africa’s democracy. A definition of democracy is identified followed by four pillars of democracy assessment against which to evaluate South Africa’s democracy: the rule of law and institutional capacity; representative and accountable government; civil society and popular participation; and freedom and equality. Within each pillar, several dimensions are identified, which in turn, comprise several indicators. Overarching considerations are borne in mind throughout the assessment as well as guiding questions that narrow the focus. In terms of the overall categorisation of quality democracy used in the study, that is, ‘low’ (very low presence and application of indicators in general - inefficient democracy); ‘low to medium’(low presence and application of indicators in some of the dimensions but some signs of efficiency in one or more of the other dimensions); ‘medium’ (indicators are present and applied for the most part; possible inertia must be avoided in favour of vigorous and conscientious action to improve on significant problem areas); ‘medium to high’ (indicators are present in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice barring a few problems); and ‘high’ (indicators are strongly present and fully applied across all dimensions – indicative of a robust, healthy democracy), it was found that South Africa places at the high end of ‘medium’ quality democracy - a positive finding especially given that only 17 years have transpired since the country’s democratisation. This means, therefore, that despite problems, indicators of quality democracy are present for the most part in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice. Several of the most notable are, namely: consistently free and fair elections; a strong rule of law and independent judiciary; significantly improved participation of women in political life; a dynamic civil society; comprehensive civil and political rights; and a vigilant media actively engaged in its watchdog role. However, where problems do remain, it is essentially as a result of a lack of effective implementation of existing procedural elements. The areas in which South Africa has performed the worst thus far and which therefore present the most challenges in need of improvement are with regard to poor levels of individual security; high levels of corruption, negative effects of cadre deployment; continued existence of discrimination, spreading poverty and inequality; and lack of efficient governance at local level in particular. It is evident that the government must build on the successes achieved and take vigorous action to improve on the identified problem areas in order to continue to strengthen the quality of South Africa’s democracy.