The imbizo was introduced in the light of the problems associated with indirect democracy, as well as attempts to bring democracy closer to the people in ways with which they are more familiar. The problem of the study was approached by putting the imbizo in perspective. Hence, a cybernetics model was used with the two information systems, namely the GCIS and the spider-web. They were used to describe the workings of the imbizo in the political system. A mixed method using both the quantitative and qualitative approaches investigated the problem by surveying students‟ understanding of the imbizo. A case study regarding service delivery and public participation was conducted at villages where the imbizo had been held. Generally, findings confirm the imbizo’s role as an instrument to enhance service delivery. The findings have some far-reaching implications for democracy: Unlike indirect democracy, the imbizo “takes the government closer to the people” through unmediated engagement of the people in order to realise direct democracy and accountability. / M.A. (Politics) / Political Science

The imbizo was introduced in the light of the problems associated with indirect democracy, as well as attempts to bring democracy closer to the people in ways with which they are more familiar. The problem of the study was approached by putting the imbizo in perspective. Hence, a cybernetics model was used with the two information systems, namely the GCIS and the spider-web. They were used to describe the workings of the imbizo in the political system. A mixed method using both the quantitative and qualitative approaches investigated the problem by surveying students‟ understanding of the imbizo. A case study regarding service delivery and public participation was conducted at villages where the imbizo had been held. Generally, findings confirm the imbizo’s role as an instrument to enhance service delivery. The findings have some far-reaching implications for democracy: Unlike indirect democracy, the imbizo “takes the government closer to the people” through unmediated engagement of the people in order to realise direct democracy and accountability. / M.A. (Politics) / Political Science

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The following study examines whether there are contending interpretations of the rule of law present within the South African democracy. The study proposes that the rule of law forms part of the societal understanding of democracy and everyday life. Rule of law is defined in terms of mental models which influence how stakeholders conceive and define institutions. Rule of law is more than a mere institutional guarantee or set of rules — rule of law is understood as a component of a specific culture of understanding. It is shown that conceptions of rule of law have a long history in western society and have been influenced by both liberal and social ideals. Contemporary conceptions of the rule of law are tightly bound with specific notions of liberal democracy. It is hypothesised that there are distinctly identifiable opinions, beliefs and views of the rule of law present in South African democracy, and that these can be systematically described at the hand of a conceptual typology. The conceptual typology developed, identifies two contending interpretations of the rule of law, namely liberal and social rule of law. Liberal rule of law emphasises the status of the individual, moral plurality and the creation and maintenance of a rule-based society of the future. In contrast, social rule of law places emphasis on the status of the community, a single communally defined conception of the moral good and places greater emphasis on righting past injustices. Other publications that address the themes of democracy and the rule of law in South Africa are also examined in order to determine whether there is congruence between the conceptual typology developed in this study and other works. It is found that the conceptual typology is congruent with other works that depict the African National Congress’s conception of democracy, equality and liberty. These congruencies validate and strengthen the conceptual typology developed in this study. The conceptual typology is subsequently applied to a specific court case, the AfriForum v Malema hate speech case. The conceptual typology is found to be sufficiently accurate in analysing contending beliefs associated with the rule of law as expressed in this court case and identifies the African National Congress’s conception of the rule of law as falling under the social rule of law and AfriForum’s conception as aligning to the liberal rule of law. It is concluded that the conceptual typology can be empirically validated at the hand of the selected case. The conceptual typology is therefore validated with other works (conceptually) and with a specific case (empirically). It is concluded that the conceptual typology provides a clear, robust, concise and comprehensive analytical description of values and beliefs associated with the rule of law in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek of daar uiteenlopende en teenstrydige interpretasies oor die oppergesag van die reg teenwoordig is binne die Suid Afrikaanse demokrasie. Die studie stel voor dat die oppergesag van die reg deel uitmaak van die wyse waarop alledaagse samelewingsinteraskies, asook demokrasie, verstaan word. Die oppergesag van die reg word gedefinieer in terme van kognitiewe modelle, wat die belanghebbende partye se konsepsie van hierdie instelling beïnvloed. Die oppergesag van die reg word dus as element van spesifieke kulturele begrip vertolk en meer as institusionele element, wat die behoud van reëls waarborg, beskou. Dit word gewys dat konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg lang geskiedenis in westerse samelewing het en dat dit deur liberale en sosiale ideale beïnvloed is. Kontemporêre konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg het noue bande met die liberale demokrasie. Die hipotese is dat daar afsonderlik identifiseerbare opinies, oortuigings en sieninge van die oppergesag van die reg teenwoordig is in die Suid Afrikaanse demokrasie, en dat hierdie opinies sistematies aan die hand van konseptuele tipologie beskryf kan word. Die konseptuele tipologie wat ontwikkel word in hierdie studie identifiseer twee konsepsies van die oppergesag van die reg, naamlik die liberale- en die sosiale oppergesag van die reg. Liberale oppergesag van die reg plaas klem op die status van die individu, morele pluraliteit en die skep en handhawing van reëlsgebaseerde toekomsgerigte samelewing. Hierteenoor word die sosiale oppergesag van die reg gekontrasteer wat klem plaas op die status van gemeenskap of groep, enkele kommunale gedefinieerde konsepsie van die morele doelwit voortsit terwyl die klem geplaas word op die regstelling van ongeregtighede van die verlede. Ander publikasies wat die temas van demokrasie en oppergesag van die reg in Suid Afrika aanspreek, word ook bestudeer om sodoende ooreenkomste tussen die konseptuele tipologie wat hier ontwikkel word, en die bestaande literatuur vas te stel. Daar word gevind dat die konseptuele tipologie wel ooreenkomste met ander werke, wat die African National Congress se konsepsies van demokrasie, gelykheid en vryheid bestudeer, vind. Die ooreenkomste valideer en versterk die konseptuele tipologie. Die konseptuele tipologie word ook toegepas op spesifieke hofsaak, naamlik die AfriForum v Malema haatspraaksaak. Daar word gevind dat die konseptuele tipologie wel akkurate analise van teenstrydige opinies, wat geassosieer word met die oppergesag van die reg, moontlik maak. Die African National Congress se konsepsie word in die kategorie van die sosiale oppergesag van die reg geplaas terwyl AfriForum se siening in die kategorie van die liberale oppergesag van die reg geplaas word. Dit word bevind dat die konseptuele tipologie voldoen aan empiriese validasie aan die hand van geselekteerde saak. Die konseptuele tipologie word daarvolgens gevalideer met ander werke (konseptueel), asook met spesifieke gevallestudie (empiries). Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die konseptuele tipologie duidelike, robuuste, bondige en omvattende analitiese beskrywing van die waardes en oortuigings, wat geassosieer word met die oppergesag van reg in Suid Afrika, beskryf.

On cover: Degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Management. / Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder. Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels. Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie. Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.

Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The central question of this thesis is whether education policy frameworks are sufficient to transform the higher education system in South Africa. I hold that higher education policy initiatives promulgated in statutory documents such as the White Paper 3 on Higher Education Transformation of 1997 and the Higher Education Act of 1997 are not sufficient to guide educational transformation in universities. My main claim is that as higher education role players we also need to pursue practices driven from "inside" (Gutman 1998: 34) whereby we can develop the "strength of will" to contribute towards initiating equal access and development and, enhancing accountability and quality at our universities. I hold that in order to practice higher education transformation from "inside" (Gutman 1998: 34), one can justifiably pursue a reflexive democratic praxis for the reason that it involves a form of "doing action" with some worthwhile, rational end in mind. It has to do with engaging in reflexive and democratic action attuned to social experience, more specifically higher education, where possibilities may be contemplated, reflected upon, transformed and deepened. To deepen our understanding of our actions involves asking questions about "what we have not thought to think" (Lather 1991: 156). I argue that philosophy of education, more specifically conceptual analysis, is an indispensable means by which we can develop such a deeper, clearer, more informed and better reasoned understanding about the current shifts in higher education transformation in post- apartheid South Africa. Simultaneously, I use conceptual analysis to show why and how the idea of a reflexive democratic praxis can become a "satisfying sense of personal meaning, purpose, and commitment" (Soltis 1998: 196) to guide our activities as educators in the higher education realm. The general principle, which shapes a reflexive democratic praxis, is rationality. Rationality is shaped by logically necessary conditions such as "educational discourse", "reflexive action" and "ethical activity to promote the moral good" in the forms of truthtelling and sincerity, freedom of thought, clarity, non-arbitrariness, impartiality, a sense of relevance, consistency and respect for evidence and people. My contention is that appealing to moral notions of rationality is where the strength of a reflexive democratic praxis lies. In this sense I further elucidate rationality which I argue can create spaces for achieving democratic education which, in tum, holds much promise for shaping teaching and learning through distance education, research and community service in the context of higher education transformation in South Africa. I use "touchstones" which evolve out of rationality, namely access, relevance and dialogism, to show how the idea of a reflexive democratic praxis can contribute towards shaping higher education transformation in South Africa. I provide an overview of the South African higher education policy framework, in particular its concern with issues of equality, development, accountability and quality, which can be linked to and guided by "touchstones" of a reflexive democratic praxis. A reflexive democratic praxis implies a shift towards socially distributed knowledge production which in turn shapes higher education transformation. By reflecting on instances related to the institution where I work, I argue that a more nuanced understanding of higher education has the potential to initiate equal access and , development on the one hand, and to enhance accountability and quality on the other hand. I conclude with the idea that a reflexive democratic praxis can provide higher education practitioners with a conceptual frame to organise their discourses in such a way as to contribute towards transforming their activities and that of their institutions. In this way they might contribute towards addressing the demands of equality, development, accountability and quality in South African higher education. KEYWORDS: Philosophy of education, conceptual analysis, reflexivity, democracy, praxis, higher education, transformation and South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale kwessie wat hierdie proefskrif aanspreek, is die vraag of die raamwerke vir onderwysbeleid genoegsaam is vir die transformasie van hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika. Ek is van mening dat die proklamasie van inisiatiewe ten opsigte van die beleid vir hoër onderwys in statutêre dokumente soos die Witskrif 3 oor die Transformasie van Hoër Onderwys (1997) en die Wet vir Hoër Onderwys (1997) nie genoegsaam is om transformasie aan universiteite te rig nie. My hoofstandpunt is dat ons, die rolspelers in hoër onderwys, ook aandag moet gee aan praktyke wat "van binne uit" gedryf word (Gutman 1998: 34). Op so 'n manier kan ons die "wilskrag" ontwikkel wat sal bydra tot die inisiering van gelyke toelating en ontwikkeling en die versterking van verantwoordelikheid en kwaliteit aan ons universiteite. Ek is van mening dat dit geregverdig is om die transformasie van hoër onderwys "van binne uit" te bewerkstellig deur 'n refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk omdat dit 'n soort aksie verg wat 'n betekenisvolle rasionele doel het. Dit gaan oor refleksiewe en demokratiese aksies wat afgestem is op sosiale ondervinding, veralop die hoër onderwys, waar verskillende moontlikhede oorweeg kan word, daaroor gereflekteer kan word en dit dan getransformeer en verdiep kan word. Ter wille van die verdieping van ons begrip van ons aksies moet vrae gevra word oor "what we have not thought to think" (Lather 1991: 156). My argument is dat die filosofie van die opvoeding, meer spesifiek 'n konseptuele analise, 'n onontbeerlike manier is om 'n dieper, duideliker, meer informatiewe en beter beredeneerde begrip te ontwikkel van die huidige klemverskuiwings in die transformasie van die hoër onderwys in 'n post-apartheid Suid-Afrika. Daarmee saam gebruik ek konseptuele analise om aan te toon waarom en hoe die idee van 'n refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk 'n "satisfying sense of personal mearung, purpose, and commitment" (Soltis 1998: 196) kan word om ons aktiwiteite as opvoedkundiges in die hoër onderwys te kan rig. Die algemene beginsel wat aan 'n refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk sy vorm gee is 'n rasionaliteit. Rasionaliteit word gevorm deur logies-noodsaaklike beginsels, bv "opvoedkundige diskoers", "refleksiewe aksie" en "etiese aktiwiteite wat goeie moraliteit bevorder" soos dit aangetref word in die praat van die waarheid, opregtheid, vryheid van denke, helderheid, nie-arbitrêrheid, onpartydigheid, 'n sin vir relevansie, konstantheid en respek vir bewysstukke en mense. My standpunt is dat die sterkte van 'n refleksiewe demokratiese beleid daarin geleë is dat dit aanspraak maak op morele kwessies van rasionaliteit. Ek verklaar rasionaliteit in hierdie sin verder deur te beweer dat dit die plek is om demokratiese onderwys te verwerklik, wat op sy beurt groot beloftes inhou vir onderrig en leer deur middel van afstandsonderwys, navorsing en gemeenskapsdiens in die konteks van die transformasie van hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika. Ek gebruik kwaliteitsaanduiders wat ontwikkel uit rasionaliteit, naamlik toeganklikheid, relevansie en samevattings om aan te toon hoe die idee van 'n refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk kan bydra tot die vorming van die transformasie van hoër onderwys in Suid- Afrika. Ek verskaf 'n oorsig oor die raamwerk vir die Suid-Afrikaanse beleid oor hoër onderwys, In die besonder oor aspekte soos gelykheid, ontwikkeling en verantwoordbaarheid, wat gekoppel kan word aan en geng kan word deur die kwaliteitsaanduiders van 'n refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk. 'n Refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk impliseer 'n klemverskuiwing in die rigting van sosiaal-verspreide kennisproduksie wat vorm gee aan die transformasie van hoër onderwys. Deur te reflekteer oor gebeure wat verband hou met die inrigting waar ek werk, argumenteer ek dat 'n fyner genuanseerde omskrywing van hoër onderwys die potensiaal het om aan die een kant gelyke toeganklikheid en ontwikkeling te inisieer en aan die ander kant om verantwoordbaarheid en kwaliteit te versterk. Ek sluit af met die gedagte dat 'n refleksiewe demokratiese praktyk die praktisyns van hoër onderwys van 'n konseptuele raamwerk kan voorsien wat hul diskussies op so 'n manier salorganiseer dat dit sal bydra tot die transformasie van hulle aktiwiteite en die van die inrigtings waarby hulle betrokke is. Op so 'n manier kan 'n bydrae gelewer word tot die aanspreek van die eise van gelykheid, ontwikkeling en verantwoordbaarheid en kwaliteit van hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika. SLEUTELBEGRIPPE: Filosofie van die opvoeding. konseptuele analise, refleksiwiteit, demokrasie, praktyk, hoër onderwys, transformasie en Suid-Afrika.

A Dissertation present in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in the Political Studies, Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Pending legislation in South Africa in the form of the Protection of State Information Bill presents an unprecedented threat to freedom of the press in post-apartheid South Africa. Like most countries globally, there have been tensions between the ruling party, which represents the state and the media, who argue that freedom of the press is critical to democracy. Both are institutions that consider their presence essential elements in a democratic regime. There is a fine line between censorship and self-regulation. But equally important is the need to balance rights to privacy with information that is in the public interest. In a country seen to have one of the most progressive constitutions in the world, enshrining freedom of the press, there are, however, still many questions around the media and where they ideally fit into society. Should they be the watchdog? Should they be a mouthpiece? And 22 years into democracy, how free are they to choose which role they prefer? With the freedom of expression war between the media and the ruling party continuing to play out in South Africa, the challenge lies in understanding what role the media has in efforts to entrench democracy. / MT2017

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / South Africa obtained a new constitution in 1994 that enshrined the right to sexual orientation, race and gender equality, as well as – crucially – ensuring the “freedom of the press and other media”. However, consequent national debates appear to indicate that the country is still grappling with issues of sexual orientation and of sexual practices. It is against the complexity of this background that this research examines – through a focus on reported conflict over South Africa’s blood transfusion service – how certain debates and controversies around issues of race and sexual orientation arose and played out in the media. The editorials and opinion pieces of both The Star and The Citizen newspapers were more than mere platforms for debates to unfold upon. While both publications did undoubtedly provide a seemingly neutral platform for the two controversies to play themselves out, which included ample input from their readers, both publications from their editorial position intervened in a wide range of editorials, opinion pieces, commentaries and one cartoon. Thus, in fact, they played a powerful role in the curating manipulation of the debates.

This research undertakes a theoretical investigation of concepts related to industrial democracy and examines the need for workplace democracy within South Africa's dynamic contemporary context. It looks at the history of labour relations in South Africa as well as current labour relations and new legalisation in order to identify relevant change that has occurred that may facilitate the realisation of a democratic working environment. Labour relations in South Africa have always been conflictual and currently, during South Africa's transition to democracy, they continue to pose many challenges. This dissertation examines these challenges and investigates ways and means of achieving successful and sustainable transformation within the workplace that reflects the broader ideals of an improved quality of life anticipated by a political democracy. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.

This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.

The author explores the traditional approaches to interpretation in a constitutional democracy, with specific emphasis on Bill of Rights interpretation. The approaches adopted by the court in India and Canada, are briefly outlined with a view to gleaning from the experience of these countries, a theory which will inform a proper approach to interpretation in a South African context. He concludes that the value-based approach is most appropriate to concretise the rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights, and specifically the so-called second and third generation rights. Addressing the fear that this may lead to an undisciplined judiciary, he concludes that there are sufficient disciplinning mechanisms to ensure that the courts do not encroach upon the other branches of government. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M.