Tout au long de notre recherche, nous avons prouvé que le griot est celui qui parvient à remonter le cours du temps par la parole. Ce qui permet aux historiens de refaire l’histoire du continent africain restée longtemps dans l’oralité. Cette communication orale portée par le griot requiert un manque d’objectivité mais a tout de même une importance capitale dans la société africaine. Tout comme les médias rapportent des faits, le griot, grâce à sa maîtrise de la parole et par le truchement des éléments expressifs et les instruments de musique publie lui aussi les faits marquants sa cité et parvient ainsi à participer au processus démocratique de la Guinée. Prenant de plus en plus en charge le commentaire politique, le griot marie l’histoire pour produire de l’idéologie, en établissant une continuité historique conforme au présent. Le griot n’hésite pas à s’inclure dans la peau des personnages, à louanger les promesses du chef pour lequel il travaille. Exactement comme le font les médias africains qui ont eux aussi tendance à louanger les acteurs politiques. L’humour du griot dans les critiques faites contre les politiques, contribue au processus démocratique. Mais la conception de la liberté des médias, est un objectif à atteindre en Afrique, pour aider son développement durable. Force est de reconnaître que le concept de la liberté des médias est constitutionnalisé en Guinée et au Bénin, dans le but d’une perspective de volonté de changement de la culture des médias mais n’est pas totalement garantie. Au Bénin comme en Guinée, la crainte est toujours palpable chez les citoyens qui veulent faire valoir leurs droits. Surtout le Bénin qui se veut un modèle et qui avait suscité l’admiration des grandes démocraties entre 1990 et 2006 et fait des émules partout en Afrique est tombé de son piédestal. Malgré une relative longue pratique de la démocratie libérale et pluraliste, des inquiétudes pèsent sur l’évolution de la vie politique et des médias dans ces pays. Les manifestations pacifiques organisées pour dénoncer les dérives du pouvoir et exiger le respect des libertés démocratiques, sont violemment dispersées par les forces de l’ordre. Sur des dossiers sensibles, les citoyens ont peur de s’exprimer. Même rassurés, ils craignent des représailles des forces de l’ordre / Throughout our research, we proved that the griot is the one who manages to travel back in time through speech. This allows historians to rewrite the history of the African continent remained long in orality. This oral communication carried by the griot requires a lack of objectivity but still has major importance in African society. Just as the media report the facts, the griot, thanks to his mastery of speech and through expressive elements and musical instruments published also highlights his city and thus able to participate in the democratic process in Guinea. Taking more care of political commentary, the griot marries history to produce ideology, establishing a historical continuity in conformity with this. The griot does not hesitate to include in the skin of the characters, to praise the chef's promises for which he works. Exactly as do African media also tend to praise the political actors. The humor of the griot in criticism against the policies, contributes to the democratic process. But the concept of media freedom is a goal in Africa, to help its sustainable development. We must recognize that the concept of media freedom is constitutionalized in Guinea and Benin, to a change of perspective of the culture of media will but is not completely guaranteed. In Benin, as in Guinea, the fear is still palpable among citizens who want to exercise their rights. Especially the Benin which wants a model and had the admiration of the great democracies between 1990 and 2006 is emulated across Africa has fallen from its pedestal. Despite relative long practice of liberal and pluralist democracy, concerns weigh on the evolution of politics and media in those countries. The peaceful demonstrations to denounce the abuses of power and demand respect for democratic freedoms were violently dispersed by security forces. On sensitive issues, citizens are afraid to express themselves. Even reassured, they fear reprisals from security forces.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The theme of this study is the practice of participatory democracy and its link to local development. The context is the current policy trend to consider the local authority as the core development agent. Governance is seen as a partnership between civil society and local state authority. The mechanism for linking democracy and development is the concept of integrated development planning. This study investigates the integrity of the process of public participation as reflected within integrated development planning. The democratic transition in South Africa forms the backdrop of the study. South Africa, a relatively newly formed democracy, has put legislation, political and social structures in place to support the transformation it intended. The question that remains and that is being researched in this study, is whether the lOP is a sincere attempt on the side of the government to install authentic participation on the part of the local community or is this another scheme for political expediency? The study reflects the transition to democracy on social and political level and on all levels of governance. In the case of local government, it describes the transformation of the role of local government to that of development agent in its jurisdiction of governance. A case study approach is used. The democratic transition in the field of local government and its application in a specific rural development region are selected as case material. The West Coast Development Region, a demarcated development region of the Western Cape, has been chosen as a testing ground for a number of reasons, but most importantly, because this region has taken the lead to implement the newly passed policy of integrated development planning in South Africa. The region also offered the most favorable circumstances for the study as it has been subjected to systematic and sustained development and capacity building inputs from the state since the elections in 1994. These include capacity building of ROP forums and Spatial Development Initiative. An empirical study of the process of public participation within the integrated development planning in this region was done after the first round of the process in 1997/1998. A group administered questiormaire is used to measure the knowledge and attitudes of participants who attended the workshops that were held by the local authority as medium of participation. Two measurements, one at the start of the workshop and one at the end, provided comparable data on changes in attitudes and levels of knowledge. The results indicated definite change in knowledge levels, but did not impact significantly on the attitudes of participants. The findings are presented here and form the basis of a wider study in local democracy and development to be proposed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tema van hierdie studie is die praktyk van deelnemende demokrasie en die verband met plaaslike ontwikkeling. Die konteks is die huidige beleidsrigting wat die plaaslike owerheid as die sentrale ontwikkelingsagent beskou. Regering word gesien as 'n vennootskap tussen die burgerlike gemeenskap en die plaaslike staatsowerheid. Die meganisme om demokrasie en ontwikkeling met mekaar te verbind, is die konsep van geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning. Hierdie studie ondersoek die integriteit van publieke deelname soos dit manifesteer in geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning. Die demokratiese transformasie van Suid Afrika vorm die agtergrond van die studie. Suid Afrika, 'n relatief nuutgevormde demokrasie, het wetgewing daar gestel om die voorgenome demokratiese oorgang te ondersteun. Die vraag wat gevra en ondersoek word in hierdie studie, is of die geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning 'n opregte poging is om ware deelname aan die kant van die gemeenskap te bewerkstellig of is hierdie nog 'n skema vir politieke gewin. Die studie reflekteer die oorgang na 'n demokrasie op sosiale en politieke vlak sowel as in alle vlakke van regering. In die geval van plaaslike regering, word transformasie in die rol van die plaaslike owerheid na die van ontwikkelingsagent in sy regsgebied beskryf. 'n Gevallestudie benadering word gebruik. Die demokratiese oorgang op die gebied van plaaslike regering en die toepassing daarvan in 'n spesifieke ontwikkelingstreek word gebruik as gevallestudiemateriaal. Die Weskus Ontwikkelingstreek, 'n afgebakende ontwikkelingstreek van die Wes-Kaap Provinsie is gekies as toetsingsgebied om verskeie redes. Die belangrikste hiervan is omdat hierdie streek die leiding geneem het om die nuutgeproklameerde wetgewing van geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning in Suid Afrika te implimenteer. Die streek het ook die mees gunstige omstandighede gebied vir die studie, aangesien dit sedert die 1994 verkiesing onderwerp is aan volgehoue en sistematiese ontwikkelings- en bemagtigende insette deur die staat. Dit sluit onder andere in kapasiteitsbouprogramme vir HOP forums en 'n ruimtelike ontwikkelingsinisiatief. 'n Empiriese studie is gedoen oor die proses van publieke deelname in die ge'integreerde ontwikkelingsbepanning in die streek kort na die voltooiing van die eerste rondte daarvan in 1997/1998. 'n Groepgeadministreerde vraelys is gebruik om die kennis en houdings van deelnemers wat werkswinkels bygewoon het, te toets. Hierdie werkswinkels is deur die plaaslike owerheid gehou as medium van deelname. Twee metings, een aan die begin en een aan die einde van elke werkswinkel is geneem. Dit het vergelykbare data om veranderings in kennis vlakke en houdings aan te dui, gebied. Die resultate het aangedui dat daar defnitiewe veranderings in kennis plaasgevind het, maar dit het nie beduidende verskil gemaak aan houdings van deelnemers nie. Die bevindinge word hier aangebied en vorm die basis van 'n wyer studie in demokrasie en ontwikkeling wat aanbeveel word.

The Ward Committee System was introduced in South Africa in 2001 as a tool to bring government closer to the people and to enhance participatory democracy. The Makana Municipality adopted the system in 2002. Previous research on local government indicates that these structures have not been effective due to the lack of resources to sustain them. This study was interested in furthering such research, using the Makana Municipality as a case study during which unstructured, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with Ward Councillors, Ward Committee Members and Grade 12 learners. The aim of the research was to investigate whether the ward committees did indeed promote the notion of participatory democracy and to what extent grass roots development has been enhanced by this structure of local government. The findings from both the respondents and the observations indicate that, in addition to the lack of resources, the underutilization of the Ward Committee System is a result of the effect of opposing political affiliations within the ward committee system, affiliations that undermine the goal of collaborative decision-making. Whereas the ward committee system is a positive idea, the findings suggest that the government is not supporting these structures by failing to equip the ward committee members with necessary capacities and skills. Therefore, if municipalities are committed to bridging the gap between local government and the community, and are keen to enhance participatory democracy, then capacity building of the ward committees and respect for their role during the decision-making process need to be taken seriously. At present, ward committee members are not influential and active in the decision-making process. In addition, the youth as prospective future ward committee members seemed disillusioned with the notion of participatory democracy, and instead have adopted the mentality that nepotism and corruption, as displayed by those in power, is the only way of governance. This research suggests that the ward committee system, intended to bring government closer to the people, may in fact not only alienate government from the people, but also the people from each other.

This paper deals with an analysis of the discursive accounts of Eastern Cape white commercial farmers on the subject of Democracy. Drawing on the theoretical perspectives of Social Constructionism and Discourse Analysis – which view individuals’ accounts of their realities as produced and informed by their particular social and historical context – the paper seeks to provide an analysis of the content of, and rhetorical strategies within the participants’ accounts and explanations. Such accounts of the social, historical and political circumstances in which Eastern Cape commercial farmers find themselves are thought to provide valuable insights into the manner in which the process of democratisation has been received by members of the agricultural sector. Data collection was conducted via brief, audio taped, semi-structured interviews. The participants were all white men and women, living in a commercial farming region of the Eastern Cape Province. Responses to the interviews were subjected to the Discourse Analytical procedure advanced by Ian Parker. Analyses reveal that participants are critical of the notion of democracy; utilize specific rhetorical and argumentation strategies; make use of notions and techniques of ‘Othering’; and subscribe to a colonial / patriarchal ideology which attempts to idealize pre-democratic South Africa. These findings illustrate what is in many ways still an ongoing political and ideological struggle in the rural regions of the country.

Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.

This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.

The security of its citizens is often regarded as the democratic state's primary raison d'etre. However, with increasing crime and perceptions of insecurity among citizens, along with actual and perceived state policing inadequacies, citizens around the world have sought to make alternative arrangements for their security. The explosion of private alternatives to state policing has resulted in the need for the replacement of former static definitions of policing by more fluid understandings of what policing entails. Policing is no longer an activity undertaken exclusively by the 'state police.' Policing needs to be understood within a framework which recognises the existence of a variety of state, commercial, community groups and individuals which exist within loose and sometimes informal, sometimes formal, networks to provide for the security of citizens. Preceding the country's transition to democracy in 1994 'state' policing in South Africa was aimed at monitoring and suppressing the black population and as a result it conducted itself in a largely militaristic way. When the government of national unity assumed power in 1994 it was indisputable that the South African Police had to undergo major reform if it was to play an effective, co-operative and accountable role in a democratic South Africa. While state policing has unquestionably undergone enormous changes since the advent of democracy in 1994, so too has non-state policing. It is widely accepted that the dividing line between state and non-state policing in South Africa is increasingly blurred. Policing, by its very nature, holds the potential to threaten democracy. Consequently it is important that policing is democratically controlled. According to the Law Commission of Canada four values and principles - justice, equality, accountability, and efficiency - should support policing in a democracy. This thesis is a case study of policing in Grahamstown, a small city in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. It will be shown that the policing problem that currently plagues Grahamstown, and by extension South Africa, is not simply the result of a shortage of providers but rather a problem of co-coordinating and monitoring security governance to ensure that the city does not further develop into a society where the wealthy have greater access to security than the poor.

Many theorists have linked dividends with the ability to carry signals regarding a firm’s expected financial performance. Despite being grounded on a sound theoretical framework, empirical evidence has failed to unanimously corroborate the dividend signalling hypothesis, with some authors resignedly concluding that dividends are the puzzle of finance literature. Recent empirical evidence has shown that limiting the dividend signalling hypothesis to earnings has contributed to that puzzle. To try and decipher the puzzle, this study extends the dividend signalling hypothesis to measures of financial performance seldom linked with dividend signalling such as liquidity and gearing. Using panel data regression models and data for 39 firms listed on the JSE from 1995 to 2016, the study reveal that when one controls for the mean reversion and autocorrelation of profitability, dividends lose the power to signal earnings. The results further show that managers in South Africa use dividends to signal expected changes in liquidity and gearing. / Business Management / M. Phil. (Accounting Sciences)

No description available.

The objective of this thesis is to assess the impact and influence of South Africa's Constitutional Court in the first two years of our democracy. To achieve this objective, some of the definitive and controversial cases already decided by the Court have been selected and analysed in an attempt to glean some jurisprudential perspectives of the Court. It focuses on the work of the Court over the past two years. It deals with the evolution of South Africa into a democracy, and analyzes the South African legal system prior to the beginning of the process of transformation. It briefly surveys the evolution of our constitutional system, dating back from the pre-1910 colonial period and provides a broad outline of the legal system in the post-April 1994 period of transformation. It analyzes the Court from the point of view of, inter alia, its composition, jurisdiction and powers. The Court is also contrasted with courts in other jurisdictions which exercise full judicial review. The Court's emerging jurisprudence is examined. A review is made, inter alia, of the Court's understanding of, and approach to, the questions of the values underpinning the post-apartheid society and its constitutional system, and constitutional interpretation. The right against self-incrimination and South African company law and the two relevant Constitutional Court cases are discussed. The collection of evidence by the State and the constitutionality of provisions relating to search and seizure and the taking of fingerprints are looked into. The Court's approach to statutory presumptions and criminal prosecutions; some aspects of our appeals procedures; an accused's right to be assisted by a lawyer at state expense; the question of a fair trial and access to information; capital punishment; corporal punishment; committal to prison for debt; and the certification of constitutions is analyzed. Two of the cases in which the provinces clashed with the national government on the distribution of posers between provinces and the national government are discussed. The conclusion is that the Court has, overall, hitherto acquitted itself well in the handling of particularly the controversial quasi-political questions that arose in the cases it has decided. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / L.L. D. (Law)