Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study project aims to investigate economic progress in South Africa through exploring the economic history in both the pre-1994 and post-1994 period. Special emphasis is placed on the areas of poverty alleviation, employment creation as well as the economic success that the country wishes to achieve. South Africa, as a developing nation, faced many key challenges after 1994 and together with these internal problems, the global operating environment was rapidly changing and this needed to be factored in. After ten years of democracy, it is important to examine what progress has been made and determine if South Africa is indeed on the path to prosperity. In establishing this, the author starts by defining the key issues that deserve consideration within the topic and sets a standard framework around which the topic will be studied. South Africa is not the first country in the world to experience related challenges and it is useful to examine some selected economies in the world, to extract key learning points as well as offer a means of benchmarking how South Africa compares. It is essential that the context and nature of the problems that exist currently be understood through an investigation of the past. The solutions that ultimately are applied to eradicate these problems must successfully address the inherited legacy or the solutions will be short term and inadequate. Much has happened after 1994 and this is examined both from a macroeconomic as well as the socioeconomic perspective. In determining whether South Africa remains on the correct trajectory, the key learning points are integrated with the progress made to date. The identified shortcomings are then presented as recommendations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie mik om ekonomiese vordering in Suid-Afrika deur die bestudering van ekonomiese geskiedenis in beide die voor-en na-1994 tydperk te ondersoek. Spesiale klem is geplaas in areas van verligting van armoede, werkskepping sowel as ekonomiese sukses wat die land na streef. Suid-Afrika, as 'n ontwikkelende land, staar baie sleutel uitdagings na 1994 in die gesig en tesame met die interne probleme, het die globale funksionele omgewing vinnig verander en moes dit in ag geneem word . Na tien jaar van demokrasie, is dit belangrik om ondersoek in te stel na watter vordering gemaak was en vas te stel of Suid-Afrika inderdaad op pad is na positiewe groei. Deur dit vas te stel, het die skrywer begin om sleutel fokuspunte, binne die onderwerp wat verdien om in ag geneem te word, te definieer, en plaas 'n standaard raamwerk rondom die betrokke onderwerp wat bestudeer moet word. Suid-Afrika is nie die eerste land in die wereld om soortgelyke uitdagings te ondervind nie, en dit is prakties om sommige geselekteerde ekonomieë in die wereld te bestudeer, ten einde belangrike punte en mikpunte oor hoe Suid-Afrika vergelyk uit te beeld. Dit is noodsaaklik dat die konteks en natuur van die probleme huidiglik, verstaan word, deur die verlede te ondersoek. Die oplossings wat toegepas word moet suksesvol die nagelate erfenis addresseer, of die oplossings kortermyn en onvoldoende sal wees. Baie het gebeur na 1994 en dit is beide van 'n makro-ekonomiese sowel as die sosio-ekonomiese perspektief ondersoek. Om vas te stel of Suid-Afrika op die regte koers is, word die sleutel punte geintegreer met die vordering tot op datum. Die geidentifiseerde tekortkomminge word voorgelê as aanbevelings.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Democratic consolidation has become an increasingly popular phenomenon with the advent of democracy in countries all over the world, making the successful transition to a democratic dispensation from authoritarian rule. South Africa, as the case under analysis, provides a clear example of a country that has successfully managed a democratic transition, and is now on the path of consolidating its democracy thirteen years into democratic rule. The extent to which democratic consolidation is being effected in South Africa is the primary focus of this study, with a critical examination of the factors that are instrumental in creating and sustaining the conditions conducive to democratic survival. This study provides a theoretical grounding in the existing literature on democratic consolidation, which enables us to highlight the key areas of consolidation. The criteria used to determine the degree to which South Africa’s democracy can be regarded consolidated was developed by Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski et al (1996), Bratton and van de Walle (1997) and the subsequent writings of others. This enables us to develop a multivariate framework for evaluating the extent to which democracy is ingrained in South Africa, as well as assessing prospects for the consolidation thereof. The criteria in this study are thus broadly subdivided into the following categories. Firstly, the existence of an autonomous political society, whereby democratic institutions are evaluated in light of the parliamentary system, the electoral system, elections, the state of political parties in South Africa, and the existence of a legal culture that upholds our Constitutional democracy. Secondly, the existence of an economic society in South Africa is assessed in terms of the state of the economy and the economic policies followed by the ruling party implemented to enhance economic growth. This is studied in the context of current socio-economic ills, such as income inequality, poverty, unemployment, and measures designed to relieve these problems, most notably the creation and development of a black middle class to generate greater equality and empower the black majority. Lastly, social factors are discussed, with an emphasis on race and the significance it assumes in South African politics today. Other factors such as the existence of a strong and vibrant civil society and the development of a democratic political culture are equally important in sustaining a democratic dispensation. The latter, for the most part, was found to be a crucial determinant of whether prospects for democratic consolidation in South Africa are positive. Political culture, in essence, embodies all the criteria discussed, and thus is an underlying theme throughout this study. The findings indicate that South Africa’s democracy is consolidating in terms of institution building; however these institutions need to be protected and strengthened to ensure that trust and confidence in them is developed and maintained. The major obstacle to achieving consolidation though, is the issue of the African National Congress’ dominance in Parliament, rendering the opposition relatively insignificant. In addition, poverty and unemployment persists despite policies designed to uplift the poor. This was found to be a significant burden on democratic consolidation. Civil society plays an important role in this regard in helping to improve service delivery, as well as acting as a watchdog over state power, which is pivotal in fostering a democratic political culture. Whether or not this is sufficient in upholding democracy, only time will tell.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Democracy is understood by many to be a government for the people by the people. As far as academic or scholarly traditions are concerned however, this is a rather populist depiction of the concept. According to the intellectual tradition, democracy is such when a system of governance meets several conditions. For the purpose of this study, the institutionalist tradition or theory of democracy which sees democracy as being dependent on institutions of contestation (elections) and participation (parliament) as well as others, is an important variable. However, the very same theory on democracy is not limited to institutions as the sole requirements for democracy. For the economic determinists, the point is that whilst institutions are important for democracy, they are not sufficient. In order for there to be such, favourable socio-economic conditions are important as well and these include affluence amongst other issues. The scientific orientation of this study being comparative, it seeks to take both the institutionalist variable of elections and the economic determinist variable of affluence as operational measures of the state of democracy in South Africa and Zimbabwe. As an additional operationalisation, the issue of civil and political liberties as per Freedom House classifications is also investigated in a similar comparative manner. The outcomes of the study show that at an electoral level, South Africa's model of proportional representation in the seat allocation system gives minorities a voice as opposed to Zimbabwe's fast past the post system based on the winner takes all principle. It was also established that the electoral machinery in Zimbabwe is more chaotically arranged and thus susceptible to abuse than in South Africa. At a socio-economic level, conditions have also been found to be a lot more favourable to the consolidation of democracy in South Africa than in Zimbabwe because of a wide array of issues, the most serious one being the declining income patterns for the average Zimbabwean as compared to the South African. Though the issue of high income inequality in South Africa should be highlighted as a threat, it should also be noted that in Zimbabwe, the apparent disrespect of the rule of law has an added negative implication for Zimbabwe as Freedom House has highlighted the declining of the country from partly free of 3.4 in 1980 to a partly free of 6.5 in 2000. The overall analysis comes to the conclusion that given the findings above, it seems South Africa's democracy can still hold stronger given an accelerated equitable distribution of wealth whilst for Zimbabwe, the revitalisation of democracy needs to start from the re-engineering of institutions to the regeneration of the concept of respect for the rule of law. Thus the comparison seems to show a democracy better suited for consolidation than the other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie word deur talle verstaan as regering van die volk deur die volk. Hierdie is egter 'n populêre voorstelling van die konsep. Volgens intellektuele tradisies, moet 'n demokrasie aan sekere vereistes voldoen. Vir die doel van hierdie studie, word die institusionele denke aanvaar wat die demokrasie as afhanklik van sulke instellings soos mededinging (verkiesings) en deelname ('n parlement) beskou. Dieselfde denke beklemtoon ook dat instellings nie die enigste vereistes is me, byvoorbeeld vir ekonomiese deterministe, is instellings nodig maar nie genoegsaam nie. Dit beteken dat gunstige sosio-ekonomiese toestande ook moet geld, spesifieke relatiewe hoë welvaartspeile. Die wetenskaplike orientasie van hierdie studie is vergelykend. Dit vergelyk sowel ekonomiese as institusionele kriteria, asook twee state, Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe. 'n Addisionele saak word ook geoperasionaliseer, te wete burgerlike vryhede en politieke regte. Hier word Freedom House se klassifikasies aanvaar. Die studie toon dat op die vlak van verkiesings, Suid-Afrika se proporsionele verteenwoordigingstelsel kleiner partye en minderheidspartye verteenwoordiging bied, teenoor Zimbabwe se wenner-vat-alles-stelsel. Die Zimbabwiese stelsel was meer vatbaar vir wanbestuur en onvrye en onregverdige verkiesings. Op die sosio-ekonomiese vlakke is toestande vir die konsolidasie van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika veel beter as in Zimbabwe, waarvan die vernaamste die afname in welvaartspeile in Zimbabwe is. Hierteenoor is die styging van ongelykheidsvlakke in Suid-Afrika 'n negatiewe faktor. In Suid-Afrika is vryheidsindekse van Freedom House egter steeds op 'n hoë vlak, terwyl die Zimbabwiese vlakke drasties agteruitgaan, byvoorbeeld vanaf 3.4 in 1980 tot 'n onvrye vlak van 6.5 in 2000 waar 'n punt van 7 totaal onvry is. Die konklusie is dat demokrasie in Suid-Afrika konsolideerbaar is, terwyl Zimbabwe ook instellings sal moet red van ondergang. Die herstel van regsoewereiniteit kan 'n beginpunt wees. Die vergelykings wys dus uit dat Suid-Afrika veel beter daaraan toe is as Zimbabwe.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: 1. Aim of study The main aim of this study is to collect and evaluate the different ways of the theorizing of local power configurations and to assemble the elements thereof in a theoretical framework. A conclusion on the significance thereof for the South-African context is then drawn. To reach this aim, it was attempted to identify all the basic elements of all local power configurations and to show how the contents thereof change continuously and are determined by the powers therein. 2. The nature of local power configurations Local power configurations are those networks of dynamic relations, which occur between persons and groups and between persons and their needs, institutions and social, economical, political and natural environments, which influence people of a local political area, their actions and opinions and thus control the issues and people of that area. Local power configurations therefore consist of nine elements namely (1) changes which are continuously caused by (2) the biological characteristics and (3) interpretation of people and (4) by active powers which try to influence them. They are also further influenced by natural powers (they are (5) the natural environment, (6) people's needs and (7) natural resources) and created powers (they are (8) social patterns and products, (9) economic order and (10) political processes and structures). These basic elements of local power configurations exist under higher power configurations which consist of the same elements. The complexity of local power configurations is related to the overlapping of elements between these different power configurations. Neighbouring local power configurations can also share elements so that changes in the elements of one power configuration can have an influence on the neighbouring one. Similarly the changes in the elements of the power configurations on higher levels such as region, national and global also have important implications for the elements of local power configurations. Since active powers bring their influence to bear according to their conscious or unconscious interpretation of their situation, their exercise of power is therefore continually unique and therefore unexpected changes of the elements may occur. In order to prevent this, the national power configuration tries to structure the local power configuration in such a way that it limits its space for unique power actions. In this study the relations between these powers and how they influence each other are treated in detail. 3. South African local power configurations The local power configurations of South Africa function according to the same elements that occur at all local power configurations. The uniqueness of the South African local power configurations lies only in the contents which are given to it in South Africa. The contents of South African local power configurations are largely prescribed by the constitution and national laws. They specify the functioning of local politics in South Africa, which forms an important aspect of local power configurations. This, together with the nature of the South African cultural milieu and the nature of the natural environment and human needs, has an important impact on local power configurations. Yet local South African people and groups maintain their ability through their interpretation to act within their circumstances in original ways and bring about positive or negative changes to people's quality of life. 4. Guide material This study tries to furnish guide material to prospective researchers of South African local power configurations. Thereby academics can make a contribution so that local power configurations are directed towards change which is beneficial to the people. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 1. Doel van studie Die oorhoofse doel van hierdie studie is om die verskillende wyses van teoretisering oor plaaslike magsopsette te versamel, te beoordeel en die elemente daarvan in 'n teoretiese raamwerk saam te vat en 'n gevolgtrekking te maak oor die betekenis daarvan vir die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Om hierdie doel te bereik, is gepoog om die basiese elemente van alle plaaslike magsopsette te identifiseer en aan te toon hoedat die inhoud daarvan voortdurend verander en bepaal word deur die magte daarin. 2. Aard van plaaslike magsopsette Plaaslike magsopsette is daardie netwerk van dinamiese verhoudinge, wat voorkom tussen persone en groepe en tussen hulle en hul behoeftes, instellings en sosiale, ekonomiese, politieke en natuurlike omgewings, wat mense, van 'n plaaslike politieke gebied, se handelinge en beskouings beinvloed en so die sake en mense in daardie gebied beheer. Plaaslike magsopsette behels dus (1) verandering wat voortdurend deur (2) menslike biologiese eienskappe en (3) betekenisgewing veroorsaak word en (4) aktiewe magte wat dit probeer beinvloed. Dit word ook beinvloed deur natuurlike magte, (dit is (5) die natuurlike omgewing, (6) menslike behoeftes en (7) natuurlike hulpbronne) en geskepte magte (dit is (8) sosiale patrone en produkte, (9) ekonomiese ordening en (10) politieke prosesse en strukture). Hierdie basiese elemente van plaaslike magsopsette staan onder hoer magsopsette wat uit dieselfde elemente bestaan. Die ingewikkeldheid van magsopsette hou verband met die oorvleueling van elemente tussen hierdie verskillende magsopsette. Naburige plaaslike magsopsette kan ook elemente deel sodat die verandering in een magsopset se elemente 'n invloed op die naburige een het. So ook het die verandering in die elemente van die magsopsette op hoer vlakke soos streek, nasionaal en globaal ook belangrike implikasies vir die elemente van die plaaslike magsopset. Omdat aktiewe magte hulle invloed laat geld volgens hulle bewustelike of onbewustelike betekenisgewing van hulle situasie, veroorsaak dit dat hulle magsuitoefening voortdurend uniek kan wees en onverwagte wysigings aan die elemente tot gevolg kan he. luis om dit te verhoed poog die nasionale magsopset om die plaaslike magsopset so te struktureer dat dit beperkte ruimte vir unieke magshandelinge laat. In hierdie studie word hierdie verhoudinge tussen hierdie magte en hoe hulle mekaar kan beinvloed breedvoerig behandel. 3. Suid-Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette Suid-Afrika se plaaslike magsopsette funksioneer op grond van dieselfde elemente wat by aIle plaaslike magsopsette voorkom. Die uniekheid van Suid-Afrika se plaaslike magsopsette Ie aIleen in die inhoud wat in Suid-Afrika daaraan gegee word. Die inhoud van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette word grootliks voorgeskryf deur die grondwet en nasionale wette. Dit spesifiseer die funksionering van die plaaslike politiek in Suid- Afrika, wat 'n belangrike aspek van plaaslike magsopsette uitmaak. Dit, tesame met die aard van die Suid-Afrikaanse kulturele milieu en die stand van die natuurlike omgewing en menslike behoeftes, het 'n belangrike impak op plaaslike magsopsette. Tog behou plaaslike Suid-Afrikaanse mense en groepe deur hulle betekenisgewing die vermoe om in hulle omstandighede op oorspronklike wyses te handel en positiewe of negatiewe veranderings aan mense se lewensgehalte aan te bring. 4. Gidsmateriaal Hierdie studie poog om gidsmateriaal te verskaf aan voornemende navorsers van Suid- Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette. Daardeur kan akademici 'n bydrae lewer dat plaaslike magsopsette gerig word op verandering wat vir plaaslike mense voordelig is.

Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The tradition of liberalism in South Africa has played a significant role in shaping the country's multi-party democracy. Yet, there are several gaps within the tradition of liberalism which can be associated with an aversion towards majority rule, equalising opportunities through affirmative action measures, and a focus on securing political rights as opposed to substantive rights for all citizens. It is my contention that weaknesses within the liberal tradition could be minimised if a more credible conception of liberalism is constructed within the parameters of a deliberative framework of democracy. In this dissertation I make an argument for a defensible form of liberalism which can be achieved through a rational, reflexive discourse-oriented procedure of deliberative democracy. Deliberative democracy in turn can engender a form of citizenship which recognises the need for citizens to care, reason and engage justly in political conversation with others. KEYWORDS: Liberalism, communitarianism, deliberative democracy and South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tradisie van liberalisme in Suid-Afrika het 'n noemenswaardige bydrae gelewer tot die totstandkoming van die land se veelparty demokratiese bestel. Afgesien hiervan, verskyn daar vele gapings binne die liberale tradisie wat hoogstens vereenselwig kan word met 'n teenkanting teen meerderheidsregering, skepping van gelyke geleenthede deur regstellende aksies en 'n fokus eerder om politieke regte liewer as ook substantiewe regte vir alle burgers te bekom. Ek redeneer dat tekortkominge binne die liberale tradisie geminimaliseer kan word indien 'n meer vededigbare begrip van liberalisme gekonstrueer word binne die perke van 'n beredeneerde demokratiese raamwerk. Ek voer aan dat 'n verdedigbare vorm van liberalisme bewerkstellig kan word deur 'n rasionele, refleksiewe diskoersgeoriënteerde prosedure van beredeneerde demokrasie. Op die beurt kan beredeneerde demokrasie 'n vorm van burgerskap teweegbring wat die belangrikheid van omgee en redenering erken, en ook terselfdertyd burgers betrek op 'n geregverdige wyse in gesprekvoeing met ander persone. SLEUTELWOORDE: Liberalisme, gemeenskapsgerigte liberalisme, beredeneerde demokrasie en Suid-Afrika.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment for the degree of Master of Arts. Johannesburg 1995. / This report explores co llect+ve ect+on around opposition to a propo..;ed hazardous waste 1andf t 11. Of concern ;s the role that social movement organisations and social movement activists, organising around environmental issues, can play in entrenching a participatory, non-racial democracy in South Africa's present transitional political phase. The analysis makes use of theories of social movements which argue that collective action is rooted in previous cycles of mobilisation, and that the role of social movement entreprenbJrS or activists is crucial in coll,ctive action mob'l Hsat ton. Data was collected through the use of participant observation and semi-structured interviews, Various documentary sources were also used. This report argues that mobilisation around environmental issues can best be understood by locating such mobilisation in the heritage of previous cycles of mobilisation, most notably in the period of the 19805. Furthermore, this report highlights the fact that the structure and form of ~he transitional state at national, regional and local levels presents certain constraints with regard to the extension and entrenchment of participatory democracy, Finally, it will be argued that while the Chloorkop Coalition demonstrates the pctent ial that environmental issues have for uniting communities across traditional racial and ideological barriers, it ;s not clear whether a lasting cross~racial cooperation can be achieved. / MT2017

Until a few years ago, it was widely held that, ‘apartheid cannot be reformed, it can only be destroyed’. Today, all participants in the negotiation process are agreed that one fundamental characteristic of the social order must be preserved: the new South Africa is to be a capitalist society; the productive wealth of the country will be the private property of a small number of capitalists, and the vast majority will try to sell their labour for a wage to capitalists who will buy it only when that labour can contribute to their profits. There is still disagreement about how small or large the number of capitalists will be; about the colour of their skins; about who they will appoint to manage their mines, banks, factories and farms for them; about the rules that will govern disputes over wages; and above all about the use that the state will make of the taxes paid from their profits. There is also disagreement about the extent to which capitalism can afford to meet popular needs. But all of these disagreements take place within the framework of a common belief that the future is capitalist. The aim of this seminar series, held by the Marxist Theory Seminar at the University of the Western Cape in April/May 1993, was to pose the question: What are the limits of social reform in a capitalist South Africa? Can the fundamental needs and aspirations of the vast majority of South Africans be met within a capitalist framework? Very often these questions are brushed aside with the argument that, given the present balance of local and international forces, there is no alternative to capitalism in SA today. Even if this argument is correct, it still remains necessary to ask what can be achieved within the framework of the capitalist society to which there is no alternative. If that question is not posed in the most rigorous way, all kinds of illusions will be created about what the future holds in store for us. The question of the limits of capitalist reform in SA is posed as it concerns five different areas; democracy, education, economic growth and employment, land and the oppression of women. What will democracy mean in a new SA which depends on foreign investment and capitalist profitability? Can the education crisis be resolved while meeting the needs of capitalist growth? Will economic growth take place in a capitalist SA, and will this lead to the creation of jobs and a higher standard of living for the majority? Can land be restored to the dispossessed, the virtual slavery of millions of farm workers ended, and land used in a way that produces food for all? What are the prospects of ending the oppression of women in a capitalist South Africa? MTS does not believe that there are simple answers to these questions. Certainly, these questions cannot be answered by a general condemnation of the inequality and inhumanity of capitalism. In each case, it is necessary to give clear answers to such questions as: Has capitalism served historically to support the struggle for democracy or to oppose it? How has it affected education in SA? What are the present interests of the capitalists in solving the land question, or giving women control of their lives? To what extent can capitalism be forced to make concessions - to provide jobs, for example - by the struggles of the oppressed? In the past, capitalism has shown itself to be much more flexible than its critics have supposed. That does not mean that capitalism can do anything it likes, nor that the working class can force it to meet whatever demands it has. One of the indispensable insights of Marxism is that processes of social change are not determined by the intentions or integrity of political leaders, but rather by the fundamental relationships of society and the ability of the major classes to pursue their interests created by these relationships. We hope that the publication of this seminar series contributes to making this insight available to a wider audience. / Marxist theory seminar

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This body of work is a post modern analysis of how the shift from mass to me media influences the role and structure of the media. Was McLuhan right, is the medium increasingly the message? Or is the post-modern media a totally different animal, a manifestation of popular culture and marketing rather than the socially responsible institution responsible for safeguarding democracy that it was envisioned to be by the American founding fathers? The underlying theme is the convergence of media and marketing and the resulting conglomeration and technological dependency forced on the reader and the writer. Who are the new mediators and how do they manage the media? In the mediatrix, the readers become media managers and the writers become surfers. The analysis begins with an examination of the contrast between real and virtual communities and how the media bridges this information gap. How does reporting in virtuality reflect reality? The body of the study has three parts, the shift from mass to me media, the alternative media spheres it has engendered and the controlling forces behind this transition. Throughout the study, mass media and me media are contrasted. The study ends with a look at the impact of technology .andpopular culture on the South African media and how the media will click through the future. Will the deeply entrenched communal values of ubuntu stave off the individualisation cocooning brings? That is, will the I before we focus of personalised media nurture the South African democracy or will itfoster mediocracy? / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die volgende tesis is n omskrywing van hoe die beweging van die massa-media na die ek-media die rol en die struktuur van die media beinvloed. Was McLuhan korrek, is die medium dikwels doe boodskap? Of is die post-moderne media n totale ander gedierte? n Manifestasie van die populere kultuur en bemarking, eerder as die sosiale verantwoordelike instituut verantwoordelik vir die behoud van demokrasie soos dit gevisualiseer is deur die Amerikaanse voorvaders? Die onderliggende tema is die bymekaarvoeging van media en bemarking en die konglomerasie en tegnologiese verantwoordelikheid geplaas op die leser en skrywer. Wie is die nuwe tussengangers en hoe bestuur hulle die media? In die "mediatrix" word die leser die media bestuurder en die skrywer word die net-sweefer. Die analise begin met die ondersoek na die kontras ussen egte en virtuele gemeenskappe en hoe die media hierdie informasie gaping oorbrug. Hoe word realiteit beinvloed deur rapportering in virtualiteit? Die liggam van die studie bestaan uit drie dele - die skuifvan massa-media na ek-media, die alternatiewe media sfere wat dit vorm, en, die beheerende invloede agter die transformasie. Reg deur die studie word die massa -media en die ek-media gekontrasteer. Die studie eindig met n opsomming van die impak wat tegnologie en populere kultuur op die SA mark het en hoe die media sal saamstem in die toekoms. Sal die diepere gelee gemeenskapswaardes van ubuntu die individualisme wat "cocooning" meebring afskiet. Sal die ek voor die ons van verpersoonlikte media die SA demokrasie aanhelp of medioker maak. / rs201512