This work was undertaken in order to determine the extent and nature of PAH pollution In a freshwater riverine environment. An extensive survey of sediment, water and aquatic organisms was carried out to investigate sources of PAH, physicochemical relationships occurring in the water and sediment, the extent of bioaccumulation and the potential for bioconcentration through the food chain. Laboratory studies were designed to investigate the likely mode and extent of uptake of PAH by Noemacheilus barbatulus (L.), Glossiphonia complanata (L.) and Lymnaea peregra (MUller), the ability of these species to metabolise PAH compounds and the extent of depuration. All sediment PAH profiles were similar and indicative of an anthropogenic pyrolytic origin. Urban/road runoff was considered to be a major influence on sediment PAH concentrations. point sources consisted of industrial waste sewage and runoff containing used engine oil. , All sites were affected by diffuse PAH pollution. At certain sites and at times of heavy rainfall this is overlain by a greater input of PAH to the sediment from point sources. Positive linear relationships have been demonstrated between total and individual PAH content and organiC matter content in sediments throughout a range of particle sizes. A similar PAH profile was found in each sediment size fraction, thus organisms selectively removing certain sized particles are not being exposed to differing ratios of PAH compounds. The river system seems to be in a state of nearequilibrium with regard to the partitioning of PAH between bedload sediment, suspended sediment, water and interstitial water. Adsorption and desorption processes occur in two phases, the first being almost instantaneous and the second being a slower approach to equilibrium. There is no- evidence of PAH's being bioconcentrated through the food chain. Uptake by tubificid worms occurs by the ingestion of contaminated sediment. Uptake by Cottus goblo (L.), N. barbatulus, L. peregru, G. complanata and Erpobdella octoculata (t.) occurs mainly through water and was shown to be rapid. N. barbatulus, L. peregra and G. complanat~ have the capacity to metabolise PAH compounds to harmful derivatives and it is likely that C. gobio and E. octoculata also have this capability. Depuration of BaP and metabolite compounds was relatively slow. Prolonged exposure to low levels of BaP in the environment may lead to a buildup of DaP and metabolite compounds in these organisms.

No description available.

Asbian and Brigantian limestones of southeast Derbyshire were deposited in several environments including shallow water platform, platform margin and off platform/slope settings. Their diagenesis occurred within marine to deep burial environments. Marine cements are restricted to Brigantian platform margin mud-mounds and associated 'foreflank' limestones and include microspar, radiaxial and cryptocrystalline calcite cements of both aragonite and h.m. calcite original composition. The marine cements have undergone fabric-destructive and fabric-retentive recrystallisation. Penecontemporaneous subaerial exposure of the platform limestomes resulted in the formation of calcrete profiles. Four morphological types of calcrete were recognised; mottled, massive, laminar and rhizocretionary which are mainly composed of cryptocrystalline calcite. Rhizocretions within the calcrete profiles indicate the presence of plants growing on the exposure surface. Crypto-crystalline calcite faecal pellets indicate the presence of a soil microfauna. Pre-Zone 1 cements (high length/width ratio columnar and fibrous crystals) were precipitated in the meteoric vadose environment. Crystal growth habits depended on the precipitating water film thickness, the air/water interface and carbonate supersaturation levels. The concentration of manganese in the pore waters and pore water redox potential probably determined cement luminescence characteristics. Volumetrically, the most important cement within the Asbian and Brigantian limestones is inclusion-free sparry calcite. In cathodoluminescence this can be divided into Zone 1 (non luminescent), Zone 2 (bright orange), Zone 3 (dull orange/brown) and Zone 4 (bright orange/yellow) cements. Zone 1 to Zone 4 cements were precipitated in; (a) shallow meteoric phreatic water bodies (b) meteoric-marine mixing zones, (c) shallow to deep burial environments and (d) deep burial late diagenetic environments, respectively. Platform margin microdolomite-rich cements probably represent meteoric-marine mixing zone cements precipitated during penecontemporaneous exposure of the Asbian and Brigantian limestones. Based on Asbian <i>D. septosa</i> brachiopod isotope analyses Carboniferous sea water is thought to have had a δ180 value similar to that of the present day. Cement oxygen and carbon isotope data confirms and refines cement precipitation models based on petrography. ¹⁸0 values were dependent on meteoric water δ180 values, temperatures of precipitation and water/rock ratios. δ13C values were dependent on marine-derived carbonate δ13C values and the influence of organic ¹²C-enriched CO₂. Cherts formed by silica recrystallisation of the limestones and silica cement precipitation, commencing soon after deposition until sometime during Zone 3 cementation. Oxygen isotope data suggest the opal CT/quartz transition occurred in isotopically homogeneous waters (?Zone 3 type water). Asbian platform limestones do not contain chert because intraformational biogenic silica was dissolved during subaerial exposure.

Research was performed at Crag Cave, Castleisland, southwest Ireland, and P8 Cave, Castleton, Derbyshire, in order to determine the main factors responsible for modifying rainwater geochemistry during flow through soil and karstic aquifer zones. Monitoring was performed on a daily basis in summer and winter at Crag Cave, and on a monthly basis over one year at P8 Cave. At both sites, biannual peaks in karst system Ca2+concentrations occurred due to: (i) promotion of microbial C02 production by increased summer temperatures, and (ii) retardation of gaseous exchange by ponding of elevated winter rainfall input leading to an unseasonable build up in soil zone C02. Therefore, speleothems at both sites may form biannual bands in hydrological years subject to elevated winter rainfall input. In addition to variations in carbonate weathering due to fluctuations in C02 levels, cation yields in Crag Cave matrix soil water were controlled by dolomite dissolution (Mg2+), plant uptake (K+), and evapotranspiration balanced by enhanced winter marine aerosol input (Na+). Strontium isotope analysis indicates that S~+ was derived from a 50:50 silicate/carbonate mixture, whilst the relatively light 313C signal was related to direct evolution of C02 into the aqueous phase in waterlogged pores. Within the Crag Cave aquifer variations in karst water geochemistry were controlled by dilution, flow switching, prior precipitation of calcite and dolomite dissolution along the flow path. Strontium isotope analysis indicates that dissolution in the aquifer dominated, with S~+ being sourced from a 25:75 silicate/carbonate mixture. Light karst water 313C values were constrained by the supply of light soil gas to the aquifer. Elevation in the Mg/Ca and Sr/Ca ratios in the Crag Cave speleothem record compared to present day analogues indicates that the former Holocene climate was drier, whilst heavier 87Sr/86Srratios and 813C values suggest variation in soil hydrology over time.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Art History Department, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-272).

This thesis studies the history of a family whose later generations were to become quintessential members of the gentry and how they managed their lands and lives. It is based on the early-fourteenth century cartulary left by Sir Roger of Okeover. The cartulary was probably motivated by Roger's childhood experience of the disputes over the wardship of himself and his lands. The cartulary is supplemented by cognate sources including the cartulary of the Abbey of Burton upon Trent and original documents. These provide an exceptional record stretching back to the early twelfth century and beyond. Chapter 3 argues that the origins of the Okeovers and their occupation of the manor of Okeover, held from the Anglo-Saxon Abbey of Burton, probably predate the Conquest. The Okeovers held lands from several individuals and institutions. Most of the land probably had origins before the Conquest and was held on a basis that later came to be categorised as socage tenure. This differs from land held by military service, a tenurial practice probably introduced by the Normans. This distinction was particularly important in cases of wardship. Chapter 4 shows that the Okeover's vertical social relationships with local magnates, particularly the Ferrers of Tutbury Castle, varied with the strength of the head of the Ferrers family at the time. Chapter 5 argues that the obligation to pay services in cash and to generate a cash income increased the relative independence of the family. Chapter 6 shows that support of younger siblings was an important objective resulting in horizontal alliances with other local families. Chapter 7 examines the problems of financial over-extension the family faced. This history of the Okeovers makes no claim to have produced results that necessarily apply more generally. It does, however, suggest that it would be productive to undertake further research into early twelfth-century deeds distinguishing tenures by socage from those by military service.

In this thesis, I examine the ways in which the local identity as "the Plague Village" that has been built up in Eyam over the centuries intersects with heritage tourism and the local heritage museum in telling the story of Eyam's history with bubonic plague. The key areas of investigation are: 1) tourism in Eyam and the interactions between visitors and village residents, 2) the role of the local museum and other heritage projects in defining and constructing Eyam's public identity, 3) the secondary function of the museum as a memorial site, 4) the strategies employed by the museum in the design, display, and presentation of its exhibits, 5) the specific ways in which the museum describes and displays "the Plague", and 6) the issues surrounding a specific aspect of the Plague discourse addressed in the museum, the CCR5-Delta32 genetic mutation, which was the subject of genetic testing in Eyam to study its possible connection to surviving bubonic plague. Drawing on tourism research and heritage tourism studies, museum anthropology, anthropology of science, and medical anthropology, I show the interconnectedness and the complexity of heritage tourism in Eyam and the ways in which Eyam Museum contributes to this. Key Findings: 1) Heritage tourism is far more complex than can existing theories regarding "the gaze" suggest, and in Eyam, we see that the gaze is part of the picture, but the work of the imagination and the attempt by visitors to physically place themselves within the history they seek to learn about by walking particular routes and visiting particular spots are equally important in understanding the driving force behind the type of heritage tourism found in Eyam. 2) The museum is a very powerful driving force in Eyam's tourism, and it is the museum which determines what story is told to visitors and in what ways. It tells a history, but it also serves as a memorial to the people who died in Eyam's Plague outbreak, acting in some ways as a sacred site rather than as simply a museum. 3) Eyam Museum uses a variety of display formats, including dioramas, artefacts in glass cases, charts and graphs, drawings, and text panels. Its heavy use of text panels and its distinct lack of interactive displays differentiate Eyam Museum from other museums in Britain and in museum studies literature, but the museum's memorial function combined with lack of space and low budget mean that interactive displays are not being considered as an option at this time. 4) The Plague and "the gene" are seen as biomedical concepts in some ways, illustrated through a variety of methods, but at the same time, they are seen in social terms, as the Plague is the story of great suffering and loss for the village that is associated with specific names and individuals' life stories, while "the gene" is considered as an object of hope and amazement for its relationship not to bubonic plague, but to HIV, a "modern-day plague", making this part of the story told in the museum relevant and exciting to visitors to Eyam today.

No description available.

No description available.