The violence, crime and hardships associated with Aboriginal gangs are an ever-growing concern on the Canadian Prairies. Saskatchewan has a large number of young individuals engaged in gang life who are struggling to find their way out. The current literature base on gangs emphasizes risk factors and gang prevention. In comparison, there is a dearth in the literature regarding desistance (leaving and abstaining) from gang life. Utilizing narrative inquiry, a qualitative methodology, a single unique participant was interviewed to examine the issue of how individuals are able to successfully desist from gang life. The key informant was both an Aboriginal spiritual advisor and expert on gangs in the Canadian Prairies. Through thematic narrative analysis, this study provides a narrative depiction of a life that is strongly connected to gangs and presents a number of themes related to desistance from gang life. Thematic narrative analysis of the interview revealed a series of themes including process elements, factors that facilitate desistance and factors that are barriers to desistance.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF JAMESON R. PARKER, for the Masters of Arts degree in CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE, presented on MAY 24, 2010, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: DESISTANCE FROM CRIME: AN EXAMINATION OF OFFENDERS ON PROBATION. MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Daryl Kroner Discovering the reasons offenders begin committing crime is the driving force behind much criminological research. However, there is a growing trend to research the reasons why criminals stop offending. The present study aimed to discover if offenders who have highly responsible and less disengaged attribution styles indicate more positive desistance factors. Six convicted offenders serving probationary periods were assessed two different times. Each offender was grouped according to their attribution style and subsequently tested for an increase in desistance factors (peer associations, employment, and family relationships. Independent samples t-tests indicate no significant differences between the two groups on measures of desistance. Additional qualitative analysis confirms the results of the t-tests. Post hoc demographic analysis revealed only minor differences between offenders who completed the research study and those who did not.

Many scholars examining desistance from crime have emphasized the importance of social factors in triggering the desistance process. Most notably, the work of Sampson and Laub (1993) focuses on the role of social bonds (e.g., marriage and employment), which serve as turning points in offenders’ lives, while other scholars have emphasized other important social factors, such as antisocial peer influence (Stouthamer-Loeber, Wei, Loeber, Masten, 2004; Warr, 1998, 2002). However, missing from such works is the role of subjective factors (e.g., thinking patterns, expectations, self-identity) in the desistance process, despite evidence that changes in identity and other cognitive transformations promote desistance from criminal offending (Giordano, Cernkovich, & Rudolph, 2002; Maruna, 2001). Examining the combined role of subjective and social factors is important, because it may lead to a more comprehensive understanding of the desistance process. Desistance researchers typically focus on one set of factors, while downplaying the other set of factors. Rarely have researchers examined the effects of social and subjective factors simultaneously (for exceptions, see Healy, 2010; Laub & Sampson, 2003; Morizot & Le Blanc, 2007). And even fewer attempts have been made to examine the interplay between social and subjective factors (for exceptions, see LeBel, Burnett, Maruna, & Bushway, 2008; Simons & Barr, 2012). Further, there is a special need to examine the impact of change in subjective and social factors on the desistance process using within-individual analyses (Farrington, 2007; Horney, Osgood, & Marshall, 1995; Kazemian, 2007). Thus, research on desistance is advanced in the current study in the following three ways. First, the influence of both subjective and social factors on desistance are considered, within the same statistical model. Second, this study is based on within-individual analyses. Third, the interplay between subjective and social factors is explored in this study, including mediation and moderation (interaction) effects. Data used in the current study are drawn from the Pathways to Desistance study (see Mulvey, 2004), following serious adolescent offenders for seven years – from mid-adolescence through early adulthood. The theoretical, policy, and research implications of the findings are discussed.

This doctoral research addresses the relationship between the sport of boxing and men’s desistance from violent crime. It examines how men make sense of violence as a result of participating in the sport, and how they subsequently rehearse and practice violence in their everyday lives both in and outside of the gym walls. Thirteen men were interviewed using Biographical Narrative Interviewing techniques as part of a six month ethnography in an inner-city boxing gym in the north of England. Furthermore, I spoke with three policy makers in the field of sport and desistance from crime, to ascertain whether or not they determined sport to be beneficial in promoting pro-social behaviour among adolescents. Throughout this thesis I pay particular attention to the participant’s understanding of violence and also how the logic of the gym reinforces attitudes favourable to violence and the maintenance of respect. Thus, this research discusses and elaborates on previous assumptions in sporting and desistance literature, and argues that while relevant, diversionary activities and sport-based rehabilitative programmes are only one element in the theory of change. In conclusion, arguments are put forward that state that boxing actually traps men in an attendant culture of respect that requires them to respond in aggressive ways to maintain an image of both masculinity and respect. This attendant culture - that is transposable between gym and street – can override the pro- social desisting elements that the gym can offer, and reinforces the logic and discourses that evokes and traps men in habits of responding to violence, therefore in terms of future policy and practice new directions need to be sought.

No description available.

The best predictor of future criminal behavior is past criminal behavior. At the same time, the vast majority of people who engage in crime are teenagers and stop offending with age. Explaining these empirical findings has been the main task of life-course criminology, and contributing to an understanding of how and why offenders continue their criminal careers once they have started, and how and why they stop, is also the purpose of this dissertation. To do this, the dissertation studies a number of facets of the criminal career: the importance of childhood risk factors (Paper I), the notions of turning points (Paper II) and intermittency (Paper III), and the connection between masculinities and criminal careers (Paper IV). In contrast to much life-course criminological research, the dissertation mainly relies on qualitative life history interviews, collected as part of The Stockholm Life Course Project. The findings suggest a need for increased sensitivity to offenders’ lives, and their complexity. Whereas continuity and change can be understood within a frame of age-graded social control, this perspective needs to be extended and developed further, in mainly three ways. First, the concept and phenomenon of human agency needs closer study. Second, lived experiences of various forms of social stratification (e.g. gender, ethnicity, and so on) must be integrated into understandings of continuity and change in crime, seeing as phenomena such as social control may be contingent on these in important ways. Third, this dissertation highlights the need to go beyond the transition to adulthood and explore the later stages of criminal careers. In closing, the dissertation suggests that we move toward a focus on the contingencies of criminal careers and the factors, events, and processes that help shape them. If we understand those contingencies in more detail, possible implications for policy and practice also emerge. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defence the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Submitted</p>

This thesis examines how long-term prisoners make sense of their sentence: what they see as its purpose, whether they think it fair and how they integrate their sentence in their life story. Its findings are based on narrative interviews with six men at the start of their sentence, twelve men who were about to be released and nine men who were under supervision in the community. The men interviewed felt the prison largely failed in its purposes of reform, rehabilitation and deterrence, even though these outcomes were much desired, as almost all wanted to desist. Reformative efforts were seen as overly relying on cognitive behavioural courses in the prison, which, because they were compulsory for progression within the prison, were attended by many who were not motivated to engage with them. Furthermore, the men felt that they were treated as an aggregate rather than as individuals with individual needs and that this meant the necessary supports upon release were often not put in place. Meaningful communication about the relationship between the offence and the sentence was largely lacking. Any moral communication in the courtroom was hampered by the emotional demands on the men at the sentencing stage, their wish to manipulate the outcome in their own favour and their perception that court actors, too, manipulated processes, thereby lessening the moral standing of the court. However, despite the common perception of sentences failing to achieve any desired outcome and other complaints - about the inconsistency of sentencing, the standing of the court to judge and miscarriages of justice - almost all the men nevertheless positioned their sentence as fair (enough) in their narrative. While some referred to normative reasons to explain the legitimacy of their sentence, for others their acceptance was determined by their need to cope with the lived reality of imprisonment. This led to a strategy of ‘getting your head down’, which included accepting the ‘justice’ of one’s sentence, but also limiting thoughts of the outside world and minimising contact with family. Others positioned their prison sentence as transformative in order to be able to construct a progressive narrative and make sense of a desired future of desistance. However, the men on license after release generally struggled to maintain a projected upward trajectory and only felt able to desist by isolating themselves, thereby avoiding further trouble. The thesis concludes that long-term prison sentences could be rendered more meaningful through greater individual input and a dialogue about questions of purpose and meaning, possibly initiated by community criminal justice social workers. In order to promote desistance, it is important that those who are released have better chances to secure an alternative identity for themselves so that they can move into a new stage of their lives, rather than withdrawing from the world in order to desist.

Desistance from crime can generally be considered to constitute a transition from a state of offending to one of non-offending, along with the underlying processes that support this transition. While the available literature has examined the impact of social structures such as employment, relationships and family formation on desistance transitions, the impact of involvement in perhaps less influential social structures has been largely overlooked. Not only this but, with a few notable exceptions (for instance Barry, 2010a), there is a shortage of literature surrounding the impact of this transitional phase itself, and the limiting factors associated with it, on to the ability for ex-offenders to maintain desistance. If, as is often the case for young adults, desistance transitions are undertaken alongside numerous other transitions (such as the transition into adulthood and between youth and adult criminal justice provisions), how do ex-offenders negotiate all of these transitions in their early stages and how do wider structural changes impact upon behaviours being attempted within this multiple liminality? Through the use of 18 double narrative interviews with probationers on an Intensive Community Order, 10 semi structured interviews with probation staff, 6 months of observations and the collection of probationer “End Data”, the current research was able to understand the ways in which initial desistance transitions are maintained by probationers within the context of a probation service which was transitioning around them. It was found that the disruption to probation supervision (which was deemed to be a structural source of support outside the “big structures” evidenced in the literature), impacted upon the rhythms and routines of probationers in the sample, challenging their ontological security and fledgling pro-social identities developed in this transitional state.

abstract: Many parents are incarcerated, and most are eventually released. Parents that have to return home from prison may encounter difficulties adjusting to being a parent on the outside. Two competing criminological theories – social control and strain – build the framework for two pathways after release from prison – desistance or recidivism. The principal question of this study examines how being a parent to a minor child has an effect on the reentry pathways, and an interaction between being a parent and gender tests the differences between mothers and fathers. Existing studies have produced mixed results with some studies suggesting that minor children are a protective factor, and some suggesting the struggles of returning parents. Research has also shown that incarcerated mothers and fathers experience their incarceration differently, and it is surmised that this would have an impact on their reentry. Data used in this study were obtained through structured interviews with 952 inmates housed in the Arizona Department of Corrections in 2010 (n= 517 males (54%); n= 435 females (46%)). Logistic regression models show that having at least one minor child does not significantly impact the reentry outcomes for parents as compared to nonparents. In addition, the interaction between minor children and gender was also not significant – there were no differences between mothers and fathers. The statistically insignificant findings most likely show the cancelling effects of two distinct pathways for reentry. Implications of the findings are discussed below. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Criminology and Criminal Justice 2016

Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) is the world’s largest and most recognisable recovery ‘program’, and central to its philosophy is the 12 Step Program. AA is a global organisation of 2.2 million members worldwide (AAWS, 2001), with a reported 3,600 weekly meetings in the United Kingdom (AAWS, 2011). AA has made many claims in their literature about the program’s effectiveness (AAWS, 2001: 84). Alcoholism is associated with a number of very serious health and social problems, including involvement in crime (Finney 2004; Fitzpatrick, 2010; Alcohol Reduction Strategy 2003). As fiscal pressure mounts, groups such as AA will be of interest to policy makers. Through an analysis of interviews with twenty long-term abstinent members of Alcoholics Anonymous, the thesis seeks to explain the effects of participation in AA’s therapeutic practices. Evidence from the literature on AA, revealed three concepts key to understanding participation in AA: Motivation to Engage (MtE), Structured Social Engagement (SSE), and Personal Agency (PA). A hypothetical model of AA-mediated behavioural change, constituted by these elements, was constructed and the findings supported this putative model. Further analysis revealed the coping strategies members of AA employed that ensured engagement with AA during stressful life events that threatened abstinence. The model was adapted to incorporate the temporal effects of long-term engagement with AA. Elements of Maruna’s (2001: 73) Condemnation Script resonated in the narratives of AA members. Contra Maruna’s analysis, AA members accepted ‘condemnation script’, but these were not negative, limiting beliefs. AA’s therapeutic practices structure, a coherent sense of self, one that supports cessation from negative patterns of drinking. The data exposed the sustained usage of AA’s discourse in the narrative accounts given. This finding extends Borkman’s (1976) Experiential Knowledge thesis, a language of ‘truth’ based on personal experience. The ‘linguistic echoes’ embedded in each narrative, suggests that a person uses AA’s discourse to ‘scaffold’ their recovery. This thesis provides an explanation of AA’s therapeutic practices of how adherence to AA’s principles, cognitively restructures the individual towards mastering self-control. AA’s philosophy and the following empirical evidence asserts abstinence as pre-requisite for recovery from alcohol dependence.