This dissertation examines the concept of Other Diplomacies and argues for a human-centric approach to studying diplomacies. / The academic field of Diplomatic Studies has long been insulated from critical interventions in the broader discipline of International Relations. While critical discussions surrounding gender, race, and class have been in ascendance in International Relations, Diplomatic Studies has managed to police its traditional disciplinary boundaries by centring scholarship around states and their accredited agents. The state-centric focus of the field has resulted in scholarship privileging the interests of states, which are abstract entities, over those of actual living communities; therefore, engage with issues primarily important to masculine, Eurocentric, and elite actors. This dissertation intervenes in the academic field of Diplomatic Studies to decentre the state and reorient the field’s focus towards human-centric issues. It argues that societal non-state actors engage in Other Diplomacies as they interact with each other across boundaries of perceived differences. Thereby the dissertation contributes to the literature on Other Diplomacies by showing how Sri Lankan migrant workers engage in Other Diplomacies as they interact with their interlocutors in South Korea. It shows how Sri Lankan migrant workers utilise diplomatic skills to understand and navigate their gendered, racialised, and classist identities. This dissertation also contributes to the literature on consular affairs by arguing that it constitutes a part of Diplomatic Studies rather than a separate field of study. I sustain the human-centric focus of Other Diplomacies and shows that societal non-state actors provide and receive consular assistance from each other due to inadequate levels of assistance from their state. I propose that Other Diplomacies scholarship sustain a human-centric focus to uncover the gendered, racialised, and classist power hierarchies that societal actors must negotiate across as they interact with other actors, both state and non-state. Thereby this dissertation contributes to the critically inclined scholarship of Diplomatic Studies in particular and International Relations in general. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The academic study of diplomacy has focused on states and their accredited agents. This has resulted in scholarly work that mostly limits itself to issues, interests, and solutions relevant to states and their leaders. While these concerns are important and relevant, the scholarship has neglected to take the concerns of ordinary people and communities into account. The implications of this have been the excluding of issues related to race, class, and gender, among other distinctions from the scholarship. This dissertation argues that scholars studying diplomacy should also place humans at the centre of concern, rather than only states. It does so by examining how Sri Lankan migrant workers in South Korea engage in diplomacy through the functions of representation, communication, and negotiation. Therefore, the dissertation contributes by centring ordinary people and communities in the study of diplomacy and international relations and showing how they matter.

[pt] Esta tese realiza um estudo de caso das diplomacias de mulheres indígenas no contexto da Primeira Marcha das Mulheres Indígenas (Brasil, 2019). O trabalho iniciou indagando de que formas essas diplomacias de diferenciam da concepção estadocêntrica de diplomacia e quais foram as estratégias utilizadas pelas mulheres presentes na Marcha para fazer avançar as suas demandas específicas enquanto mulheres indígenas. Para responder a essas perguntas, foi realizada uma pesquisa de campo com o método da observação participante, além de revisão de literatura, levantamento e análise de documentos, e entrevistas realizadas de forma remota utilizando questionários semiestruturados. Ao longo da pesquisa, percebeu-se que, na verdade, a Primeira Marcha foi em si uma estratégia política para adensar as alianças diplomáticas entre mulheres indígenas de diversos povos. Já quanto à segunda pergunta, devido à multiplicidade de relações diplomáticas que essas mulheres estabeleceram, focou-se em três delas: as diplomacias panindígenas frente ao Brasil enquanto Estado colono e à Marcha das Margaridas, e a diplomacia entre mulheres dos diversos povos indígenas. Quanto às relações diplomáticas com o Estado colono, devido à pouca disposição do Estado em mediar seus estranhamentos com essas mulheres, a diplomacia panindígena durante a Marcha foi, no geral, uma diplomacia de enfrentamentos políticos. Já as relações diplomáticas panindígenas dessas mulheres com a Marcha das Margaridas envolveram tensões cosmológicas com potencial pedagógico para mulheres não indígenas em relação às possibilidades de alianças políticas dentro dessas diferenças cosmológicas. Já quanto às diplomacias entre mulheres de diversos povos, percebeu-se que elas tiveram um caráter pedagógico tanto para educar os homens indígenas a respeitá-las quanto também para formar novas lideranças entre as mulheres indígenas. Finalmente, identificou-se que as alianças diplomáticas entre mulheres indígenas são marcadas por relações de amizade entre elas, o que traz um caráter afetivo dessas alianças. Conclui-se que as diplomacias das mulheres indígenas no contexto brasileiro se diferenciam das diplomacias interestatais principalmente por seu caráter pedagógico e sua dimensão afetiva. / [en] This dissertation conducts a case study of indigenous women s diplomacies the context of the First indigenous Women s March (Brazil, 2019). It began inquiring about the ways in which those diplomacies differ from state centric conceptions of diplomacy, and also about which were the strategies used by the indigenous women on the March to advance their specific demands as indigenous women. In order to answer those questions, fieldwork with the method of participatory observation was conducted, along with literature review, survey and analysis of documents and interviews using semi-structured questionnaires. Throughout the research, it was realized that, actually, the First March was itself a strategy to deepen political alliances between indigenous women from diverse peoples. As for the second question, due to the multiplicity of diplomatic relations those women stablished during the March, focus was put in three of them: pan indigenous diplomacies of those women both with Brazil as a settler State and with Margarida s March, and the diplomatic relations between women from various peoples. As to the diplomatic relations with the settler State, due to little will from the State to mediate its estrangements with indigenous women, the pan indigenous diplomacy during the March was, in general, a diplomacy of political confrontation. On the other hand, the relations between indigenous women and the Margarida s March involved cosmologic tensions, with pedagogic potentials to non-indigenous women as for the possibilities of political alliances within those cosmological differences. Concerning diplomacies between women from diverse peoples, it was realized that they had a pedagogical character both to educate indigenous men to respect them and to prepare indigenous women to be leaderships. Finally, it was identified that the diplomatic alliances between indigenous women are marked by friendship relations between them, what brings an effective character to those alliances. As to the conclusions achieved, indigenous women s diplomacies in the Brazilian context seem different to interstate diplomacies mainly due to its pedagogical character and its affective dimension.