O presente trabalho analisa o impacto do exercício da repressão penal sobre os usuários de crack na busca pelo tratamento, avaliando a coerência entre os fins declarados pela atual política de drogas e os meios previstos em lei para sua consecução. O estudo se desenvolveu por meio de pesquisa qualitativa com seres humanos operada através de entrevistas com usuários e ex-usuários de crack em tratamento, bem como com os profissionais da equipe multidisciplinar do local de tratamento. / This paper analyzes the impact of criminal repression on crack users seeking treatment, evaluating the coherence between the purposes declared by the current drug policy and the means provided by law for its achievement. This paper was conducted by means of a qualitative research with humans beings, operated through interviews with crack users and former users in treatment, as well as with professionals in the multidisciplinary team from the treatment site.

<p>The Essential Drugs Programme (EDP) is one of the tools developed to achieve the objectives of the South African National Drug Policy. Occupational health (OH) services are largely in the private sector and usually provide an element of Primary Health Care in addition to Occupational Hygiene, Medicine and Nursing. The aim of this study was to determine the challenges of implementing the Essential Drugs Programme into Occupatinal Health settings in the Port Elizabeth and East London areas. A descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out. Respondents cited the evidence-based approach to management of clients as a motivating factor for adopting the EDP in Occupational Health clinics.</p>

Doctor of Philiosophy (PhD) / Since 1998 anti-doping policy has undergone massive change. The level of world-wide cooperation involved in establishing an international anti-doping system is unprecedented in the history of the regulation of performance enhancing substances in sport. Such cooperation and the unipartite nature of public doping discourse give the impression that anti-doping policy is clear, unproblematic and universally acceptable. However, scratching the harmonious surface of modern anti-doping approaches reveals fundamental problems and inconsistencies, the two most basic of which go to the very core of the policy. Basic issues — what constitutes doping and the reasons why we prohibit it — are still unsettled, lack clarity and give rise to many significant operational issues. For instance, the definition of ‘doping’ in doping discourse is quite different from the definition in the World Anti-Doping Code: what is thought of as ‘doping’ is very different from what is punished as ‘doping.’ Moreover, the commonly suggested anti-doping rationales do not adequately explain the present prohibition on the use of performance enhancing substances in sport. In light of this uncertainty, two questions arise: why is there so much confusion and why do we prohibit doping in sport? Desmond Manderson, in his study of the origins of illicit drug laws, has wrestled with a similar question; his conclusions are that drugs have been prohibited more for what they symbolise than their pharmacological properties. This thesis argues that, in a similar way to illicit drug policy, the symbolism of performance enhancing substances in sport has played a major role in the development of anti-doping policy. To demonstrate the influence of such symbolism, three significant time periods in anti-doping history are considered in the thesis: the 1920s, the 1960s and the 1970s. The most formative aspect of symbolism in the 1920s, when anti-doping rules were first passed, was the association between doping and illicit drug taking. The stigma attached to stereotypical images of illicit drug-users contributed to ‘doping’ being viewed as contrary to the amateur ethos and the adoption of a regulatory system modelled on illicit drug policy approaches. In the 1960s, when anti-doping policy began in earnest, illicit drug symbolism was also extremely influential. Concerns regarding drug addiction in sport fuelled fears about the health of the athlete which were prominent in doping discourse at this time. Combined with a strong belief in the power of drugs in general, illicit drug symbolism led to the expansion of the illicit drug model of regulation to include illicit drug style testing. Doping changed in the 1970s with the emergence of training drugs such as anabolic steroids. Steroids became strongly associated with ‘communist’ athletes and were viewed as extremely powerful transforming drugs. A kind of steroid hysteria was thereby created in doping discourse. Simultaneously, the continuing influence of illicit drug symbolism meant that the previously adopted illicit drug model was also applied to steroids. The conclusion of the thesis is that anti-doping policy is not fundamentally a rational system: instead it has been driven much more by emotional factors such as public opinion than rational argument. Such a basis is bound to create confusion and explains many of the problems of current anti-doping policy. The way in which symbolism has led to the regulatory decisions in anti-doping history is summarised as constituting the ‘reactive regulation model’ in the concluding section of the thesis. This pattern of regulation has produced a number of important operational difficulties in current anti-doping law, the prime example being the ‘fallacy’ of in-competition drug testing to deal with the issue of training drugs such as steroids. Finally, it is argued that in light of the reactive nature of anti-doping policy, it is unlikely that recent challenges, such as gene doping and the use of non-analytical evidence, will be treated any differently to past challenges. Anti-doping policy has always been largely driven by reactions to symbolism; there is no reason to suspect this type of approach will change.

Doctor of Philiosophy (PhD) / Since 1998 anti-doping policy has undergone massive change. The level of world-wide cooperation involved in establishing an international anti-doping system is unprecedented in the history of the regulation of performance enhancing substances in sport. Such cooperation and the unipartite nature of public doping discourse give the impression that anti-doping policy is clear, unproblematic and universally acceptable. However, scratching the harmonious surface of modern anti-doping approaches reveals fundamental problems and inconsistencies, the two most basic of which go to the very core of the policy. Basic issues — what constitutes doping and the reasons why we prohibit it — are still unsettled, lack clarity and give rise to many significant operational issues. For instance, the definition of ‘doping’ in doping discourse is quite different from the definition in the World Anti-Doping Code: what is thought of as ‘doping’ is very different from what is punished as ‘doping.’ Moreover, the commonly suggested anti-doping rationales do not adequately explain the present prohibition on the use of performance enhancing substances in sport. In light of this uncertainty, two questions arise: why is there so much confusion and why do we prohibit doping in sport? Desmond Manderson, in his study of the origins of illicit drug laws, has wrestled with a similar question; his conclusions are that drugs have been prohibited more for what they symbolise than their pharmacological properties. This thesis argues that, in a similar way to illicit drug policy, the symbolism of performance enhancing substances in sport has played a major role in the development of anti-doping policy. To demonstrate the influence of such symbolism, three significant time periods in anti-doping history are considered in the thesis: the 1920s, the 1960s and the 1970s. The most formative aspect of symbolism in the 1920s, when anti-doping rules were first passed, was the association between doping and illicit drug taking. The stigma attached to stereotypical images of illicit drug-users contributed to ‘doping’ being viewed as contrary to the amateur ethos and the adoption of a regulatory system modelled on illicit drug policy approaches. In the 1960s, when anti-doping policy began in earnest, illicit drug symbolism was also extremely influential. Concerns regarding drug addiction in sport fuelled fears about the health of the athlete which were prominent in doping discourse at this time. Combined with a strong belief in the power of drugs in general, illicit drug symbolism led to the expansion of the illicit drug model of regulation to include illicit drug style testing. Doping changed in the 1970s with the emergence of training drugs such as anabolic steroids. Steroids became strongly associated with ‘communist’ athletes and were viewed as extremely powerful transforming drugs. A kind of steroid hysteria was thereby created in doping discourse. Simultaneously, the continuing influence of illicit drug symbolism meant that the previously adopted illicit drug model was also applied to steroids. The conclusion of the thesis is that anti-doping policy is not fundamentally a rational system: instead it has been driven much more by emotional factors such as public opinion than rational argument. Such a basis is bound to create confusion and explains many of the problems of current anti-doping policy. The way in which symbolism has led to the regulatory decisions in anti-doping history is summarised as constituting the ‘reactive regulation model’ in the concluding section of the thesis. This pattern of regulation has produced a number of important operational difficulties in current anti-doping law, the prime example being the ‘fallacy’ of in-competition drug testing to deal with the issue of training drugs such as steroids. Finally, it is argued that in light of the reactive nature of anti-doping policy, it is unlikely that recent challenges, such as gene doping and the use of non-analytical evidence, will be treated any differently to past challenges. Anti-doping policy has always been largely driven by reactions to symbolism; there is no reason to suspect this type of approach will change.

O presente trabalho analisa o impacto do exercício da repressão penal sobre os usuários de crack na busca pelo tratamento, avaliando a coerência entre os fins declarados pela atual política de drogas e os meios previstos em lei para sua consecução. O estudo se desenvolveu por meio de pesquisa qualitativa com seres humanos operada através de entrevistas com usuários e ex-usuários de crack em tratamento, bem como com os profissionais da equipe multidisciplinar do local de tratamento. / This paper analyzes the impact of criminal repression on crack users seeking treatment, evaluating the coherence between the purposes declared by the current drug policy and the means provided by law for its achievement. This paper was conducted by means of a qualitative research with humans beings, operated through interviews with crack users and former users in treatment, as well as with professionals in the multidisciplinary team from the treatment site.

Magister Public Health - MPH / The Essential Drugs Programme (EDP) is one of the tools developed to achieve the objectives of the South African National Drug Policy. Occupational health (OH) services are largely in the private sector and usually provide an element of Primary Health Care in addition to Occupational Hygiene, Medicine and Nursing. The aim of this study was to determine the challenges of implementing the Essential Drugs Programme into Occupatinal Health settings in the Port Elizabeth and East London areas. A descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out. Respondents cited the evidence-based approach to management of clients as a motivating factor for adopting the EDP in Occupational Health clinics. / South Africa

This dissertation examined the effect of United States counter-drug policy on nationalism in small states, focusing on Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. The states were selected for their roles and geostrategic importance in the illegal drug trade; Jamaica being the largest drug producing country in the Anglophone Caribbean and having strong links to the trade of Colombian cocaine, and Trinidad being a mere seven miles from the South American coast. Since U.S. counterdrug policies have frequently been viewed in the region as imperialistic, this dovetails into ideas on the perceptions of smallness and powerlessness of Caribbean nations. Hence, U.S. drug policies affect every vulnerability faced by the Caribbean, individually and collectively. Thus, U.S. drug policy was deemed the most appropriate independent variable, with nationalism as the dependent variable. In both countries four Focus Groups and one Delphi Study were conducted resulting in a total of 60 participants. Focus Group participants, recruited from the general population, were asked about their perception of the illegal drug trade in the country and the policies their government had created. They were also asked their perception on how deeply involved the U.S. was in the creation of these policies and their opinions on whether this involvement was positive or negative. The Delphi Study participants were experts in the field of local drug policies and also gave their interpretations of the role the U.S. played in local policy creation. Coupled with this data, content analysis was conducted on various newspaper articles, press releases, and speeches made regarding the topic. In comparing both countries, it was found that there is a disconnect between government actions and the knowledge and perceptions of the general public. In Trinidad and Tobago this disconnect was more apparent given the lack of awareness of local drug policies and the utter lack of faith in government solutions. The emerging conclusion was that the impact of U.S. drug policy on nationalism was more visible in Trinidad and Tobago where there was a weaker civil society-government relationship, while the impact on nationalism was more obscure in Jamaica, which had a stronger civil-society government relationship.

Nederländernas och Sveriges nationella narkotikapolitik är olika. Nederländerna är kända för att ha en liberal politik med fokus på skademinskning, medan Sverige har en mer restriktiv strategi med fokus på användningsminskning. Forskning om effektiviteten i bådas politik saknas och bör därför studeras för att bekämpa narkotikarelaterade problem på ett korrekt sätt. I en tid med snabb globalisering är en jämförelse mellan Nederländerna och Sverige beträffande narkotikafrågor därför nödvändig för att analysera. Denna artikel kommer att studera hur länderna har närmat sig varandra under perioden 2005–2020 och svaret kommer ges inom tre kategorier: (1) förebyggning, (2) behandling och skademinskning samt (3) kontroll. Med hjälp av en jämförande policyanalys (CPA) kommer data att samlas in med hjälp av dokument och artiklar om utvecklingen i länderna samt statistik som visar genomföranden av policy. Dessa tillhandahålls av European Monitoring Center for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA). Resultaten visar att länderna har närmat sig varandra i vissa kategorier, främst beträffande (2) behandling och skademinskning, med mer skademinskning genomförd i svenska intergripanden, och (3) kontroll, där Nederländerna har blivit striktare mot vissa delar av narkotikaförsäljningen i kampen mot kriminalitet, samtidigt som man genomfört skadareducerande ingripanden. Båda länderna har infört delar av den andres politiken samtidigt som de följer sina traditionella åsikter angående (1) förebyggande. Framtida forskning bör fortsätta att analysera effektiviteten i policy och jämföra dessa eftersom samarbete mellan en effektiv narkotikapolitik framgångsrikt kan upprätthålla kampen mot globala narkotikaproblem. / The national drug policies of the Netherlands and Sweden are divergent. The Netherlands is known to have a liberal policy with a focus on harm reduction, while Sweden has a restrictive approach focusing on use reduction. Current research on the effectiveness of both policies is lacking and should, therefore, be studied to properly fight drug-related issues. Furthermore, in a time of rapid globalization, a comparison between the Netherlands and Sweden regarding drug issues is essential to analyse. This paper aims to study how the countries have converged in the period 2005-2020, dividing the research question into three categories: (1) prevention, (2) treatment and harm reduction and (3) control. Using a Comparative Policy Analysis (CPA), data will be collected using documents and articles on the developments of the countries as well as statistics showing implementation of the policies, provided by European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA). The results present some form of convergence in some categories, mostly regarding (2) treatment and harm reduction, with more harm reduction implemented in Swedish interventions, and (3) control, where The Netherlands has become more strict towards some parts in the fight against drug supply and criminality, while also implementing harm reductive interventions. Both countries have implemented parts of the other's policy while following their traditional views regarding (1) prevention. Further research should continue to analyse the effectiveness of the policies and compare since cooperation between effective drug policies can successfully maintain the fight against global drug issues.

The crisis of overdose deaths in British Columbia (BC) continues into its seventh year. This thesis applies a human security lens to a mixed methods computer-assisted discourse analysis on a corpus of public-facing documents from drug enforcement organizations in BC, and one from community-run harm reduction organizations in BC. Analysis uses a “What is the Problem Represented to Be”? (WPR) approach to analyze conflicting conceptual logics and answer the question “What human security problems are constructed in Harm Reduction and Enforcement discourses surrounding the crisis of overdose deaths in British Columbia?” Conclusion: Both corpora construct different problematizations. Whereas enforcement discourses emphasize criminality and proximal substance use harms, harm reduction discourses look at enforcement as a structural threat to people who use drugs. / Graduate / 2023-08-17

The intent of this thesis is to examine Spinoza's philosophy of emotion as it relates to groups of individuals, or collectives. These groups, especially political collectives such as nation-states, are evaluated through Spinozist understandings of virtue, nobility, and blessedness. From this analysis, a novel concept of "collective nobility" is used to create philosophical guidance for the emotional dimensions of politics and state action. Drug policy is used as a case study to understand how emotion influences policymaking and vice versa, both negatively (as in the United States) and positively (as in Portugal).