Abstract In this paper an attempt will be made to identify what has been explicitly recognised as central and peripheral within the systems of innovation concept; the inclusion or exclusion of the factors that are important in understanding the political economy of innovation systems; the themes, issues and range of actors and spaces that must be included in NSI types of appreciative theory or modelling. We suspect that those who focus narrowly tend to exclude important variables that must be included in the understanding of the making and development of innovation systems. Conversely those who focus broadly may include factors that may not be helpful in creating clarity of conception and understanding of the innovation systems application to the problems and challenges of development. It is thus important to reflect and review the variety of ways the system of innovation has been used by the economists who have used the NSI perspective in their search to develop alternative frameworks to understand the problems and challenges of economic system dynamics in general and economic development in particular. We will probe how the search for an alternative economic framework for economic development through the NSI perspective have been applied with a view to advance an argument for its judicious application as an intellectual conceptual tool to help understanding and explanation of the problems and challenges of development and underdevelopment. A unified conception of systems of innovation that includes not only history and culture but also the critical political factor that closely impinges and shapes policies on the economics of innovation will be attempted with a view to valorise the explanatory analytical power of the NSI framework in the context of its value in generating new insights, practices and applications to the general problem of economic development.

This dissertation provides a philosophical analysis about the influence colonialism had over capitalism's current configuration and how their intricate interplay impacts both the social and the ecological spheres, in both central and peripheral countries. Such analysis draws from the work of José Lutzenberger, a Brazilian environmentalist. The current capitalist economic system tends to disregard the environment, since it would be greatly affected by negative externalities. A negative externality is an economic activity that imposes a negative effect on an unrelated third party. Many negative externalities are related to the environmental consequences of production and consumption. In addition, this dissertation explores the fact that an ecological crisis is also a social crisis. A genealogical and existential thread going from Brazil's early days as one of Portugal's colonies to the present is drawn, showing how colonialism helped to create the foundations and the conditions for the current exploitative capitalist system, in Brazil and elsewhere. To change this situation, the environment should not be entrusted to private interests but to an institution responsible for the good of society as a whole. Genuinely green economies are more prone to appear on the periphery, but only if global economic justice is achieved first.

This discussion is written in a descriptive manner, firstly because of the nature of the phenomenon investigated as the appropriate quantitative metric has yet to be invented, secondly because of the importance of the cybernetic-systems approach to some of the more critical questions facing man, the importance that the average layman understands this approach and the questions tackled in this investigation. These critical questions concern the converging trends in socio-economic evolution that mankind is facing. Some of these trends are physical, some are socio-mental. The physical trends are more obvious; the accelerating cost of raw materials, the rapid decline in available raw materials on a per capita basis, the exploding population, the increasing disparity in the ability to generate wealth both within developed and developing countries as well as between them, new attitudes towards consumption and work, the increasing integration of the world into one socio-economic system, increasing life span and population bulges, technological advance, environmental deterioration, morale and moral degeneration and regeneration, cultural and social decay and expansion, deforestation, ideological resolution and conflict, economic waste and efficiency, and information and noise explosion. This discussion focuses upon the flow of socio-economic systems as directed and influenced by information flows and communication channels and how in consequence these converging trends are and can be optimally dealt with. "Extensive, concious attempts to direct a complex society in a viable, adaptive manner have only just begun in modern history, and much remains to be learned to avoid the mistakes of the past. An intimate understanding of the workings of the sociocultural level of complex adaptive system is essential." Walter Buckley.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Development Studies in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University Of Zululand, 2018 / The aim of this study is to assess the role of NGOs in addressing poverty, and it was conducted in the Mpumalanga province, under Nkomazi Local Municipality. This study situates the development of NGOs within the theoretical frameworks of Keynesianism, the neo-liberal economic system, and from the theory of NGOs as a third sector. The Keynesian system holds that increased government expenditure results in a corresponding increase in economic output. The Keynesians welfare system supports the active participation of government in the economy. However, at the height of the Keynesian economy, NGOs did not receive due attention. The policies of the Keynesian economy did not support NGOs until the role of the multilateral organisations rose to prominence, and it was then that NGOs gained recognition. Problems with Keynesian economics led to the emergence of neo-liberalism, and neo-liberalism shaped policy in a way that favoured economic growth through the Market. It was within the framework of neo-liberalism that NGOs arose to prominence. This occurred under the auspices of multilateral organisations which encouraged the rise of NGOs. However, the poor performance of the State and the Market, with regards to poverty and development gave rise to the emergence of NGOs as a third sector. Literature relating to this study further shows that the operation of NGOs as a third sector depended on factors such as leadership, management, adaptability, financial capacity, corruption, and accountability. The present study adopts a mixed-method approach. This entails the integration of positivism and interpretivism into a philosophy of post-positivism. Therefore, this study uses both qualitative and quantitative data. Qualitative data was collected through structured interviews, while quantitative data was collected by questionnaires. The qualitative data were analysed by content analysis, the quantitative data were analysed by SPSS. The findings of this study show that NGOs mostly experience the following challenges: high staff turnover, mostly because of low wages; limited resources, and a lack of permanent structures from which to work. Even though NGOs experience these challenges, the results of this study show that the NGOs in the study area are able to adapt and work in an environment characterised by limited resources. Lastly, regardless of the challenges experienced by NGOs, this study shows that NGOs have a role in poverty reduction. In terms of recommendations, this study recommends that NGO sponsors should pay attention to the challenges relating to the buildings structures where NGOs’ operate. The study also recommends that NGO sponsors have to review the wages of NGO workers against the wages of retails workers. Moreover, it is further recommended that NGO staff needed to be capacitated by developing some skills, such as proposal writing. Lastly, this study recommends that NGOs develop new strategies for sustaining themselves, such as starting other income streams. All-in-all, the study concludes that NGOs in the Nkomazi Local Municipality play a meaningful role in addressing symptoms of poverty.

Muslims in South Africa live within the framework of a Western economy in which the notion of interest plays a pivotal role. This system does not seem to comply with the strict interpretation of Islamic law, since the Quran prohibits any dealings on the basis of interest and strongly condemns those who continue to deal in interest-based transactions, warning them of a “notice of war from Allah and His Apostle”. Muslims are therefore faced with the dilemma of either participating in the current prevailing economic system and thereby violating the Quranic injunctions prohibiting interest or Riba, or completely withdrawing from participation in this system and conducting their business transactions in accordance with Islamic injunctions. This study is an attempt to examine whether an Islamic banking enterprise within the greater Tshwane area could survive and even flourish in the long term if it were operating within the parameters of Islamic law, thus in the absence of the interest factor. The research methodology employed was that of qualitative research, and the study consists of both a literature and an empirical study. It became evident from the literature review that a bank’s survival within the Western economic order depends on the confidence that its depositors have in it. In an Islamic economic system the ethical and legal components distinguish it from other systems. The most striking feature of the Islamic banking environment is the so-called profit and loss sharing system (PLS). The literature study was complemented by an empirical study. Respondents were interviewed in three categories: Muslim businessmen, Islamic bankers and Islamic religious leaders. An analysis of data from the respondents revealed that they were of the opinion that there was a need for an Islamic bank in order to avoid any interest-based dealings and to operate strictly in accordance with Islamic law and principles. Based on the literature and field study a simple model of an Islamic banking enterprise was constructed which could function within the greater Tshwane area and within the South African economic context, but which would be based on Islamic Shariah principles. In constructing this model due cognisance was taken of the fact that it would prove to be a very difficult task to amend existing banking laws to provide for the easy entry and functioning of an Islamic bank. Based on the literature and empirical study it was concluded that to provide for the easy entry and functioning of an Islamic banking enterprise, it should not be structured or named as a bank but rather as a finance company which would then be able to offer most of the services that are offered by traditional banks but without having to comply with the strict regulations as applicable to traditional banks. The dissertation’s final conclusion and recommendation was thus that an Islamic bank should operate not as a bank but as a finance company, thereby accomplishing its pivotal role to enable Muslims to use these indispensable services successfully while complying wholly with Islamic Shariah law. / PhD (Business Management), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013

In this paper, I investigated the influence of the existing political power on the economical and social development of the state. The paper went deeper into positive and negative effects, state of economy within the years since the establishment of the Republic of Belarus, dominating social tendencies and the ways of improving the existing situation. The last part of the thesis presented analysis of whether Belarus is ready to enter European Union, as some of its members have already done ( Poland, Lithuania), why/why not. I assess that my own ideas contribute by approximately 30 % to the presented text.

Ziel dieser Arbeit war es herauszufinden ob und wenn ja, welche ordnungs- und wirtschaftlichen Alternativen im Zuge der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands existierten. Die erste Frage ist mit einem klaren ja zu beantworten. Einige der möglichen Alternativen wurden in Abschnitt 4 vorgestellt, weitere sind denkbar. Warum sie sich nicht durchsetzten ist im Einzelnen schwer zu sagen. Politische Entscheidungen werden in einem Spannungsfeld konkurrierender Interessen, äußerer Zwänge und machtpolitischer Überlegungen getroffen. Gegen einige Alternativen, wie z.B. Alternative 2 sprachen die äußeren Umstände, die drohende massive Migration von Ost nach West. Für andere Alternativen, wie z.B. Alternative 4 gab es wohl zu wenig Fürsprecher. Einige dieser aufgezeigten Wege erscheinen vom heutigen Standpunkt aus betrachtet die besseren Alternativen zu sein. Zweierlei sollte man bei solchen Überlegungen nie vergessen. Erstens, dass es ungleich schwerer ist, Fehler zu vermeiden als bereits gemachte Fehler zu erkennen. Und zweitens, welche enormen menschlichen, politischen und finanziellen Leistungen im Zuge der Deutschen Einheit erbracht wurden und auch heute noch erbracht werden. Auf das Erreichte können wir stolz sein.

Muslims in South Africa live within the framework of a Western economy in which the notion of interest plays a pivotal role. This system does not seem to comply with the strict interpretation of Islamic law, since the Quran prohibits any dealings on the basis of interest and strongly condemns those who continue to deal in interest-based transactions, warning them of a “notice of war from Allah and His Apostle”. Muslims are therefore faced with the dilemma of either participating in the current prevailing economic system and thereby violating the Quranic injunctions prohibiting interest or Riba, or completely withdrawing from participation in this system and conducting their business transactions in accordance with Islamic injunctions. This study is an attempt to examine whether an Islamic banking enterprise within the greater Tshwane area could survive and even flourish in the long term if it were operating within the parameters of Islamic law, thus in the absence of the interest factor. The research methodology employed was that of qualitative research, and the study consists of both a literature and an empirical study. It became evident from the literature review that a bank’s survival within the Western economic order depends on the confidence that its depositors have in it. In an Islamic economic system the ethical and legal components distinguish it from other systems. The most striking feature of the Islamic banking environment is the so-called profit and loss sharing system (PLS). The literature study was complemented by an empirical study. Respondents were interviewed in three categories: Muslim businessmen, Islamic bankers and Islamic religious leaders. An analysis of data from the respondents revealed that they were of the opinion that there was a need for an Islamic bank in order to avoid any interest-based dealings and to operate strictly in accordance with Islamic law and principles. Based on the literature and field study a simple model of an Islamic banking enterprise was constructed which could function within the greater Tshwane area and within the South African economic context, but which would be based on Islamic Shariah principles. In constructing this model due cognisance was taken of the fact that it would prove to be a very difficult task to amend existing banking laws to provide for the easy entry and functioning of an Islamic bank. Based on the literature and empirical study it was concluded that to provide for the easy entry and functioning of an Islamic banking enterprise, it should not be structured or named as a bank but rather as a finance company which would then be able to offer most of the services that are offered by traditional banks but without having to comply with the strict regulations as applicable to traditional banks. The dissertation’s final conclusion and recommendation was thus that an Islamic bank should operate not as a bank but as a finance company, thereby accomplishing its pivotal role to enable Muslims to use these indispensable services successfully while complying wholly with Islamic Shariah law. / PhD (Business Management), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013

<p> This dissertation examines the interrelationship between higher education and the capitalist socio-economic system in the United States. The central argument is that both the growth of colleges and universities, and the development of a sociology of higher education, have been dependent upon, and serve to support, the historical transformation of the socio-economic system from laissez-faire to corporate capitalism. A socio-economic elite which has dominated the development of scientific knowledge and the growth of college and universities since colonial times, has profitably invested its riches in reshaping higher education to serve the dictates of the new capitalism in its corporate form. An examination of college and university financing, educational philosophy, and the social science practiced by professors shows that these changed to accommodate changes in the socio-economic system. The cumulative emphasis has been, and continues to be, on the production, sale, and consumption of a practical (marketable) knowledge which furthers elite domination of the educational industry. </p> <p> The sociology of higher education, as it has developed over the past twenty years, provides an example of theory which furthers this elite domination. A review of three eminent theorists, Burton R. Clark, David Riesman, and Christopher Jencks, shows how their attempt to make colleges and universities autonomous from the surrounding socio-economic system makes higher edcation increasingly dependent upon, subservient to, that system. Clark's "active" education creates an Academic Revolution based upon the specialized expertise of academic disciplines which Riesman labels "the racecourses of the mind". The sociological raceciurse helps provide Jencks with an individualistic explanation to "accidents" of personality and luck. The argument presented herein suggests these inequalities are legitimated and sustained by the commitment of the education-as-autonomous theorists to a pluralistic ideology which ties the growth of higher education with the prevailing socio-economic arrangements of corporate capitalism. Briefly, the education-as-autonomous thesis developed by Clark, Reisman and Jencks provides a notion of pluralism (widely dispersed power) that encourages and helps to ensure the non-pluralistic domination of higher education by a corporate elite capable of transforming wealth into power. </p> </p> A summary review of the foundations of American sociology underscores the interconnections between this pluralism and German sociologist Max Weber's conception of scientific "objectivity". It is Weber's science, characterizing the sociologist as an objective analyst receptive to all data, rather than the science of Lester Ward and the Americans, which continues to be a major influence on the majority of sociologists educated in the United States. While Weber and Ward both developed a pluralistic science providing ideological support for American capitalism, Weber did so in a manner that seemed more value-natural. Weber was simply more inclined than Ward to make his values supporting the socio-economic structure of capitalism more covert. This supposed value-neutrality of Weber's sociology appeals to social scientists, legitimating and sustaining the professional practice which maintains their privileged position within the current socio-economic order. Weber attempts to make scientists as objectively autonomous from the larger socioeconomic system as the Clark-Riesman-Jencks thesis tries to make the universities. Accordingly, the pluralism of Weber's "constellations of interest" includes superman/wonderwoman sociologists capable of transcending the ordinary by pacifying passion in a professional manner. </p> </p> An examination of this sociological professionalis in two settings, the professional association and the university, indicates the importance of Weber's notion of scholarly objectivity as the central norm governing professional practice. adherence to the objectivity norm is of primary importance in giving rise to the view among many sociologists that sociology as "understanding" cannot be a practice. This conception of sociology has helped promote itself to become "the official view: of social reality--a view that encourages university professors to serve and protect elite interests, interests they recognize as becoming increasingly their own. Professional commitment and responsibility have come to mean participation in the development of Weber's "objective" science which continue to maintain the Clark-Riesman-Jencks myth that universities and professional associates are autonomous, objectively value-neutral and, therefore, apolitical. To act in a professional commitment which has come to mean service to, maintenance of, the socio-economic arrangements of today's corporate capitalism. </p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Acknowledged as the defining challenge of our time, economic inequality has far reaching individual and societal consequences. It negatively affects productivity, decision-making, and health outcomes on the one hand, and political stability and economic growth on the other. Increased competition for resources not allocated at the top skews available reference frames and leads to adoption of unachievable standards, generating stressful social comparisons and anxiety that may intensify inter-group conflicts. Yet, as this dissertation shows on data from surveys from across the world, many of the worse off tend to believe that the social world in general is fair and that large differences in incomes are justified and even necessary. To understand why and how are the widespread and entrenched differences in incomes and wealth not being contested at a larger scale, this dissertations links perceptions and judgments of economic inequalities to their perceived, and often misjudged, normativity. It is argued that there is a need for a greater attention and understanding of people’s beliefs about what are the popular opinions and shared values regarding political issues. It is not only that people not know of inequalities, underestimate them, or attempt to rationalize their existence as fair and deserved. It is that people also need to know that their sentiments are shared by others. Based on results of multiple experimental studies, this thesis explored and supported a possibility that people who believe that the unequal status quo is unsatisfactory and that the standing system should be challenged and changed also tend to believe that their views are not shared by the general population. Even more, such thinking tends to get reinforced when someone else is critical of the system in place. Thus, instead of rising in spirit and assuming that others will finally see at least some of the negative outcomes of the way things are, those hoping for change may get demoralized, feel isolated in their views, and may feel drawn to compromises they shouldn't need to consider. In particular, the dissertation mainly utilizes the framework of conservatism being a motivated political cognition (Jost et al., 2003) which proposes that adoption of system-legitimizing attitudes may be motivated by psychological needs to see the social world as orderly, structured, and generally just and fair. In four chapters, the dissertations explores how the conditions theorized to motivate adoption of status-legitimizing attitudes affect not only these attitudes, but also the perceptions of their normativeness. Chapter 2 presents a comprehensive test of the original reading of status-legitimacy hypothesis (Jost, Pelham, Sheldon, &amp; Ni Sullivan, 2003) which implied that those with lower objective status are the most motivated to system-justify, and of the re-specified version (van der Toorn et al., 2015) that posits subjective powerlessness to be the driver of undue system legitimization. Presented are results of a mixed-effects analysis of ISSP data on social inequality, covering almost 50,000 respondents from 28 countries. The results from analysis testing contextual moderation lend more support for the original, rather than the revised reading of status-legitimacy hypothesis - that it is the objectively disadvantaged who may experience greater motivation to defend the system. Chapter 3 adopts Lane's (1986) perspective explaining that political institutions create more dissonance than market institutions, and tests a proposition that while political institutions will be perceived as legitimate by the members of the lower classes, market institutions will be seen as less legitimate. Second, we hypothesize that those over and under-estimating their social class should report higher or lower perceived legitimacy of the system. Analysis of data from General Social Survey (2010-2016; total n = 4142) shows that those in lower classes report higher confidence in political, but not market institutions compared to those members of the upper classes. Similarly, relative to those under- or correctly estimating their class, those over-estimating their class positioning reported higher confidence in political compared to market institutions. Chapter 4 presents two experimental studies testing, on a sample of 201 students (in Tilburg, the Netherlands), how indirect threat to the country's culture and a direct criticism of the country's economic performance influence people's perceptions of attitudinal similarity with their society in general depending on their prior ideological views. The results suggest that those with views critical of the standing socio-political system imagine their co-nationals as more attitudinally different compared to those who consider the standing system to be fair and desirable. In particular, exposure to economic threat, but not cultural threat, increased the perceived ideological distance from the presumed attitudes of the rest of the society among those critical of the system, but not among those who considered the system to be fair and desirable as it is. Chapter 5 presents data from two studies conducted before and after the 2016 US Presidential election (mTurk, n = 478), and before and after the 2017 UK general election (Prolific Academic, n = 617). Data were gathered in two rounds, utilizing the same between-subjects experimental design to assess whether ideological differences moderate how threat (economic system threat) and uncertainty (outcome uncertainty about election) influence the perceived similarity between people's personal normative attitudes (how things should be) and their estimates of socially normative attitudes (what they believe others would say should be). Furthermore, the effect of the result of the election on beliefs about the legitimacy of the standing economic system among supporters of competing political parties was assessed in two studies using within-subjects design (US n = 80; UK n = 329). The findings support the hypothesis that ideology predicts differences in perception of the generalized other when faced with system threat and that people bolster their ideological commitments following threats to their worldview in form of electoral defeat. While liberals tend to overestimate the strength of conservative values within the society in general, conservatives view others as both more conservative and liberal compared to themselves.