Thesis (Ed. D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University. / Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: James R. Sheffield. Dissertation Committee: Charles H. Lyons. Includes bibliographical references.

Throughout the history of the W.E.A. there have been arguments, and sometimes bitter conflicts, about the relationship between educational aims and political objectives. This thesis examines the tensions and the dilemmas generally experienced in any education involving social and political values, by taking the clash of principles between the W.E.A. (non-party, unsectarian, with its formal emphasis upon objectivity in teaching) and the N.C.L.C. (with its proclaimed Marxist partisanship) as a fundamental challenge for critical re-assessment in the light of contemporary thinking and research. The study begins with a consideration of six crucial, and even determining, individual experiences and contributions: those of Albert Mansbridge, R.H. Tawney, J.M. Mactavish, J.P.M. Millar, G.D.H. Cole and Raymond Williams. This is followed by detailed surveys of three particular areas of work - Residential Adult Education, Literature as a W.E.A. Subject, and Community Education from 1960 to 1980 - each of which illustrates how a basic tension between political commitment and academic neutrality permeates all aspects of thinking and practice in the adult education movement. The final chapter draws together the threads from the survey of particular lives, histories and thematic studies to address theoretical questions about the concepts of liberal education and academic neutrality; - about Marxist and other attitudes towards objectivity and dogmatism; about the nature of the relationship between the Labour movement and the adult education movement. The tensions are shown to be deep, enduring and seemingly irreconcilable but changes of emphasis and intensity are apparent as the general history and the wider forces and movements in society determine the ideological parameters and the 'paradigm shifts' within which, or against which, the W.E.A. operates. On the strength of eighty four years' experience, if the W.E.A. celebrates its one hundredth birthday in 2003, it will (and should) do so embodying similar fundamental tensions.

The appropriate relationship between political authority and education/schools as it relates to jurisdictional, procedural and substantive considerations, is highly contested. Several political theorists, including Amy Gutmann, Brian Barry, Chandran Kukathas and Iris Marion Young, have contributed to the debate, each prioritizing one of these considerations over the others. Attempts by other scholars to reconcile the considerations often fail to adequately accept the implications of the theoretical underpinnings of each. A political theoretical orientation that combines a recognition of institutional specificity with an awareness of the multifaceted nature of contested phenomena will enable theorists to address the heretofore intractable points of contention amongst political theorists surrounding issues of jurisdictional/procedural propriety and substantive goodness as they relate to educational practices and institutions. This orientation clarifies the dialogue between the most prominent theoretical approaches to analysis of political authority's just relation to education within modern liberal democracies.

<p> This study investigated the relationship between the political efficacy and expected civic engagement of eighth grade students in the Ferguson-Florissant School District, Missouri and demographic factors, reading ability, and parental attitudes. Data on students&rsquo; attitudes on topics such as citizenship, trust in institutions, opportunities, political efficacy, school efficacy, and political engagement were analyzed. The 180 students who completed the questionnaire demonstrated lower trust and assessment of access to opportunities and higher youth political engagement than the participants in the 1999 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IAE) Civic Education (CIVED) study. Tests to determine the impact of student variables on political attitudes revealed differences by gender, race, reading ability, and the proximity of students to two Ferguson protests areas in 2014. The few discrepancies between boys and girls refuted previous research on the gender gap in political efficacy and political engagement. Black participants had lower external political efficacy and trust, but were more likely to engage at the community level through participation in youth groups and volunteering. Lower reading ability negatively impacted internal efficacy and expected adult engagement. Close proximity to protest areas affected students&rsquo; political views, and increased some elements of internal efficacy and youth engagement. Questionnaire results revealed a positive relationship between parental and adolescent political attitudes, and qualitative data supported the essential role of parents and other adults in political socialization. Focus group and interview findings suggested that young people were politically engaged in a variety of ways, and students expressed a strong desire to have their voices heard through political discussion and action. It is recommended that educators and community leaders offer opportunities for increased exposure and participation in political activities while students are in middle school, and continue this through high school.</p>

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1972. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted to the Faculty of Education in Fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF EDUCATION in the Department of Philosophy of Education, University of Zululand, 2001. / This study sought to determine; "the extent and effects of politics on KwaZutu-Natal Secondary Schools". The study was influenced by the fact that politics is inescapable so are the consequences of politics. As an introduction the History of Politics and Education in South Africa was reviewed. It was determined how politics affected South African education in general. Literature also revealed that KwaZulu-Natal was affected by party politics. The study then explored the political effects on Culture of Learning and Teaching Services (COLTS); Provisioning; School Governance and Morale (discipline and confidence) of educators and learners. The study found that there is a considerable extent and a number of political effects that had a negative impact on a number of KZN-Secondary Schools. The most significant effects were: low morale among educators and learners; poor provisioning and distribution of resources; poor staffing; below average school governance; absence of the culture of learning and teaching. The study showed that the educators had been exposed to terrible political violence, intimidation and interference in their schools. The study found out that there is considerable dissatisfaction in that stakeholders fail to resolve political problem of the secondary schools. The findings of the study suggest that politics especially party politics affected KZN-Secondary School environments. Secondary Schools for Africans had been the target for political influence. They need the most conducive, disciplined learning and teaching environments; free of political interference in order to produce envisaged excellent academic results. The most aspects of the recommendations were aimed at addressing the effects of politics in KZN-Secondary Schools' Education - the underlying purpose of this study. Relevant stakeholders need to attend to these political effects in an unbiased attitude, for enjoyment in and culture of learning and teaching to be fully resuscitated.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2009. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 334-354).

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