Teachers and others who are not representative participants in the authorized governance structure often find they must make decisions concerning the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education. These "evaluators-at-the-fringe' of the formal policy-formation structure find themselves being 'gate-keepers' for what will be considered legitimate attempts to influence public education. Having defensible criteria for determining the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education policy is important. Without such criteria, resources will be wasted on the implementation of inappropriate attempts to influence public education. Or, just as important, influences which could be beneficial for the students, or for the society as a whole, may never be seriously considered. In this paper it is argued that criteria for evaluating attempts to influence public education can be derived from the obligation to participate in the promotion of the public good, the right of individuals to self-preservation, the obligations associated with justice as fairness, and the duty to acknowledge the insights of the `marketplace of ideas.' It is argued that there is an underlying tension between the rights of citizens to influence public policy and the rights of children being raised. It is established that the right of citizens to participate in the debate concerning the nature of public education policy follows necessarily from the conditions for a satisfactory democratic social arrangement. The legitimacy of individual attempts to influence public education policy is evaluated using a two part process. The first step in the process is to categorize the attempt to influence according to the kind of interests that appear to be motivating the attempt. The second step is to evaluate critical aspects of the attempt in terms of the criteria. Only attempts which are judged legitimate in terms of these criteria are eligible for any consideration as a possible influence on public education policy. The paper concludes with an application of the framework to several examples of attempts to influence public education policy.

Though the political unrest in African schools has been broadly viewed as arising from the power struggle between the state and the liberation forces, in rural areas the question of violence should also be looked into in the context of the emergence of conflicting views between Inkatha and the African National Congress (ANC). Political contradictions have emerged for various reasons. One of the reasons has been the desire to preserve the traditional political system, the tribal authority system. The liberation forces view the present forms of traditional political structures as parts of apartheid political organs, in that, since the introduction of the Bantu Authority system in the early 1950s and later on the formation of homeland governments in the early 1970s, they have been performing the functions assigned to them by the state. However, despite the reality that traditional political structures are functional to the state, they, at the same time, remain the authentic and legitimate political organs representing the aspirations of a significant fraction of rural communities. What needs to be taken seriously into consideration in analysing the rural political situation is the fact that the apartheid policy was ingeniously designed and predicated upon a tradition which was still held in esteem when it was subordinated by the colonising nations. This tradition was then enshrined in the apartheid programme, or, put differently, apartheid was camouflaged by it. Therefore it is a simplistic view to over emphasise the functional role of the traditional political system. The desire to preserve the present form of political system could be attributed either to the success of the policy of separate development or the fear for the annihilation of traditional structures in the new political dispensation or both. This study looks at the political dynamics and how it has precipitated violent confrontation among the oppressed people. It focuses on how schools in rural areas of KwaZulu have been affected. Principals were asked to express their views on their perceptions of violence. The conclusion drawn from respondents is that pupils are defiant because parents and teachers have been unable to fight for the rights of their children. For example they have been unable to provide them with adequate education. The author ends by recommending that parents and teachers should take up their rightful places in society. That is they should take upon themselves the responsibility of providing adequate education for the children. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, 1992.

The Natal Education Department's "Native" education system which functioned from 1910 to 1953 has often been termed a good example of "liberal" education for Africans. However an investigation into the administrative structure and curricula content of this education order proved that numerous similarities existed between "Native" education, as formulated by the Natal Education Department, and "Bantu" education as established by the Nationalist government as part of its apartheid program. "Native" education in Natal could be considered a forerunner of "Bantu" education. Both systems were designed to achieve similar aims, eg. to maintain the social divisions, aid in the reproduction of semi-skilled labour and bolster the reserve system and migrant labour system. Course content was geared, in both "Native" and "Bantu" education, to promote a specific way of life for the African - a life that was both rural and agrarian in nature. A continuity of both method and aim existed between the two education orders. In effect, despite the different rhetoric and arguments used by the authorities of these two education systems, both implemented systems aimed at maintaining segregation. Emphasis is placed on exposing the true character of "Native" education as well as developing the argument that "Native" and "Bantu" education should be seen as the continuation of a specific education order rather than two distinct and different systems. This study focuses on Natal's 'Native' education and reveals it as a system designed to promote segregation and protect white interests. It too did not have the true interests of African children at heart. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 1990.

The rapid economic development in China has successfully drawn a worldwide attention and benefit its population, with a average 8 percentage GDP growth rate every year and 500 million people out of poverty. While a large number of people are seeking for the reason why economic achievement in China has been so dramatic and unprecedented, less people show solicitude for Chinese women`s condition and empowerment.    Women as a worldwide vulnerable group, their well-being need to be taken into consideration during the process of developing economy. In China, female population accounts for 48.47 percentage (633.2 million) of entire population. Under the big picture of economic prosperity, the author found that Chinese people`s living condition has advanced largely, the popularization of basic education and medical service has benefit the vast majority people, meanwhile, people can be more involved in political process to express their opinions. However, women are benefited disproportionately but still less empowered than men are. Moreover, since China is a geographically large country, the economic development has shown some regional characteristic, that means, in southeastern China, due to the convenient traffic condition, such as harbors, economic development process is faster than in northwestern China, where traffic and natural conditions are both weak. Would that cause a unequal empowered situation between women from different economic developed regions?   Women has been paid less attention through the history of China, let alone different conditions of women in different regions. In this thesis, the author will describe women`s different empowered situation in rural and urban regions of China, via a capability approach viewpoint, and discussion of whether there is a regional pattern will be based on (Dis) Empowerment model.

The purpose of this study was to investigate School Board members' perceptions and expenences of their roles in a secondary school in the Rundu Education Region of Namibia. A case study was conducted within the interpretive paradigm. Six School Board members from the selected school were interviewed. The data were analysed using qualitative data analysis practices. The findings of the study indicate that there are numerous constraints that interfere with the Board members' ability to effectively carry out their role as a school governing body. These constraints include a lack of knowledge and understanding of the Education Act, a lack of skill in conducting basic management and organization processes and a lack of support from the circuit inspector and Regional Education officers. This study provides some understanding of the circumstances of the School Board in trying to execute its role in implementing the Education Act, especially the section dealing with School Boards. As such, this research provides an agenda for the support and improvement of the work of School Boards in Namibian secondary schools.

No description available.

O presente estudo tem como objeto a transição e os percursos das creches diretas da Secretaria de Assistência Social (SAS), para a Secretaria Municipal de Educação (SME), na Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo durante a gestão Marta Suplicy (PT), de 2001 a 2004. Buscou-se compreender o processo político-administrativo levado a efeito nesse período. Intencionamos ao mesmo tempo, contribuir para o debate sobre creches, buscando apontar alguns indicadores do processo e como o município de São Paulo incorporou o preceito constitucional das creches na área da Educação. Buscou-se utilizar como referências conceituais diferentes teorias da área de política de educação infantil e das políticas sociais dirigidas à infância, objetivando relacioná-las com as políticas de creche no município de São Paulo, evidenciando o contexto histórico-político em que estava inserido. A conclusão do estudo revela que a mudança de área trouxe várias modificações com relação ao atendimento das crianças nas creches, em especial, a organização da demanda, a gestão de sistema e de unidades e a formação de professores. A pesquisadora reuniu e analisou grande parte da documentação que caracterizou a transição e com base nas entrevistas realizadas demonstrou que, embora com contradições, houve avanços para as creches diretas do município de São Paulo. Destaca ainda, que há muito a investir na qualidade do atendimento educacional da criança de 0 a 6 anos no município. / This study aims to track the transition and the course of administration of day-nurseries of the Secretary of Social Assistance (SAS) to Municipal Secretary of Education (SME) of São Paulo City during the administration of the Major Marta Suplicy (PT), from 2001 to 2004. The Administration has tried to understand the political and administrative process carried out during the remaining period. At the same time our intention was that this study could contribute to the debate about day-nurseries, pointing and analyzing indicators that reflected on the developed work and how the schools accepted the constitucional precept of day-nurseries in the area of Education. On the development of this study, we have used as references, different conceptual theories linked to childhood education policies in accordance with social policies targeting to connect them with the policies used in daynurseries in the city of São Paulo, emphasizing the historical and political context in which was inserted. The conclusion reached by this study suggests that is the changing of the area that has brought a lot of modifications about the care of children in day-nurseries as the way of the attendance, the administration of educational system and unit until the organization and formation of staff in this sector. The researcher attended and analyzed great part of the documentation that characterized the transition and added to the interviews showed, although with contradiction in process, that progress was occurring through the day-nurseries for the city of Sao Paulo. Highlights have shown that educational area needs investment and efforts in order to enhance the quality of the attendance for children from 0 to 6 years in the childhood education in São Paulo.

Teachers and others who are not representative participants in the authorized governance structure often find they must make decisions concerning the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education. These "evaluators-at-the-fringe' of the formal policy-formation structure find themselves being 'gate-keepers' for what will be considered legitimate attempts to influence public education. Having defensible criteria for determining the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education policy is important. Without such criteria, resources will be wasted on the implementation of inappropriate attempts to influence public education. Or, just as important, influences which could be beneficial for the students, or for the society as a whole, may never be seriously considered. In this paper it is argued that criteria for evaluating attempts to influence public education can be derived from the obligation to participate in the promotion of the public good, the right of individuals to self-preservation, the obligations associated with justice as fairness, and the duty to acknowledge the insights of the `marketplace of ideas.' It is argued that there is an underlying tension between the rights of citizens to influence public policy and the rights of children being raised. It is established that the right of citizens to participate in the debate concerning the nature of public education policy follows necessarily from the conditions for a satisfactory democratic social arrangement. The legitimacy of individual attempts to influence public education policy is evaluated using a two part process. The first step in the process is to categorize the attempt to influence according to the kind of interests that appear to be motivating the attempt. The second step is to evaluate critical aspects of the attempt in terms of the criteria. Only attempts which are judged legitimate in terms of these criteria are eligible for any consideration as a possible influence on public education policy. The paper concludes with an application of the framework to several examples of attempts to influence public education policy. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This study compiles a series of cases and controversies in American education, from the popularization of public education in the mid-1800's to the present, and then reviews them to determine scholarly political aspects, common themes, and trends. It then applies the identified themes to a model of “the school as a responsive political system” fashioned after David Easton's "Dynamic Response Model of a Political System” to demonstrate the operative nature of the themes. The paper reviews the plight of Negro education in Alabama after the Civil War until 1901. It discusses accommodation in the realm of education as the United States began its massive move toward industrialization and the corresponding move toward child-centered education. It discusses controversies in the reform era of the 1920's and the turmoil to the educational system in the cold war period after World War II. It looks at cases involving sectarian to non-sectarian education of the 1800's and the anguish of disappointed educators with the trends of public education and the Progressive Education Association in the Great Depression period. Finally, the paper reviews cases involving charges of indoctrination against public schools, recent controversies (since 1954) in integration and segregation, and cases involving modern educational alternatives. The paper identifies three themes consistently present in educational controversy: 1) the desire of the people to have all children successfully master the basic fundamentals of reading, writing and arithmetic, 2) the desire of the people to have the schools emphasize moral and spiritual values which are similar to their own, and 3) the opposition of the people to what was believed by them to be an attempt by the school to foster some dimly defined kind of socialistic theory which would replace individualism with group goals and competition with cooperation. The paper then analyzes the cases and situations with respect to the identified themes. The paper uses the framework developed by David Easton to construct a simple framework from which to view the three identified themes. It shows the three themes to be the true demands behind a variety of issues which create controversy in education. Briefly, the paper then reviews the adapt ion of the educational system to the demands. Finally, the paper concludes that lithe school" will persist as a viable political system if it can accurately analyze the basic nature of the issues confronting it, in terms of the three identified themes.