Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1975. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliography.

Thesis--University of Florida. / Description based on print version record. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-120).

No description available.

Empathic embarrassment is an emotional state that belongs to the self-conscious category of emotions. It is an uncomfortable condition where someone feels embarrassed over another person’s mishap or violation of social norms. It is prosocial in that one is motivated to help a person who expresses embarrassment. To experience it, one needs to be able to imagine how the other person is feeling and how one would feel if the situation happened to oneself. One is likelier to feel empathic embarrassment if one likes the person who is experiencing the mishap or if one has experienced the mishap oneself. This thesis investigates whether empathic embarrassment is a prosocial emotion and what neural basis empathic embarrassment has. The results show that empathic embarrassment is perceived as a prosocial emotion, while the areas that are the most involved are the anterior cingulate cortex, anterior insula, and medial prefrontal cortex.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until June 1, 2014. Includes bibliographical references (leave 18)

According to most developmental psychologists 'non-basic' emotions such as jealousy, pride, empathic concern and guilt do not emerge before the second year of life, despite limited evidence for this proposition. Critical examination of the major theories of emotional development reveals (i) that this belief stems from the assumption that young infants are incapable of interpersonal awareness, and (ii) that this incapacity is invariably explained in terms of lack of representational skills. Three studies are presented investigating the possibility that, in fact, young infants are capable of these emotions. The first is a study of 37 adults' perceptions of an expression resembling adult expressions of shyness and embarrassment which is displayed in infants as young as two or three months during positive interactions (Reddy, 2000). The second is an experimental study of jealousy of the mother's loving attention in 24 five-months old infants. The third is a longitudinal study of 6 infants through their first year of life employing a bottom-up methodology to explore a wide range of 'non-basic' emotions, their developmental course, and the determinants of this course. On the whole, results from these studies suggest that: (i) infants are indeed capable of a large number and possibly all 'non-basic' emotion, (ii) the age of first emergence and the frequency of later occurrence of these emotions can vary widely across infants, and (iii) their development is context-related rather than age-related. These results are explained by calling upon relational approaches that do not set a cut-off age for the emergence of early interpersonal awareness.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1972. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Defecation has remained overlooked within anthropology and sociology, despite recent focus on the body. The thesis suggests that this is related to its construction as something hidden in the last few hundred years of modern Western society. It is physically and mentally dismissed as personal and biological rather than social or cultural. The few references that exist enable one to argue that it always has significance as a repetitive daily activity needing careful social management and which is crucial to the definition of personhood. Its praxis reveals much about social values concerning differentiation by age, sex, gender and generation. Freud, Elias, Bakhtin and Douglas have influenced its image but do not adequately explain it. Phenomenological theories of embodiment and ideas of cultural performance are shown to be more useful in demonstrating that defecation is a lived cultural experience. The focus is on contemporary Britain, studied through participant observation and day-to-day participation, using material from conversations, anecdotes, observations, experiences, media reports, novels, and films encountered during the period of research. The main themes that emerge are privacy, hiddenness, embarrassment and concern but also that it is welcomed as physical release, and as offering valued periods of time-out and solitude. It is also a symbol of both all that is low and all that is deep. These contradictions are analysed through the two axes of control/loss of control and release/containment. It is argued against recent medical anthropological and sociological studies of incontinence that it cannot be assumed that the opposite of incontinence is continence and containment. The issue of control is paramount, rather than the issue of containment in itself.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Colorectal cancer (CRC), the third leading cause of cancer-related death in the U.S., could largely be prevented if more people had polyps removed via colonoscopies. Embarrassment has been identified as one important barrier to colonoscopy, but little is known about embarrassment in this context. Further, there is no instrument available to measure this construct. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to develop a reliable and valid instrument to measure colonoscopy-related embarrassment. The study aims were to: 1) estimate reliability and validity of a new instrument, the Colonoscopy Embarrassment Scale (CES); 2) examine relationships among demographic/personal characteristics, health beliefs, and CES scores; 3) examine relationships among demographic/personal characteristics, physician recommendation, health beliefs, and colonoscopy compliance; and 4) evaluate participants’ perceptions of aspects of having a colonoscopy that are most embarrassing and their suggestions for reducing embarrassment. The Health Belief Model and Transtheoretical Model of Change provided theoretical support for this study. Participants were HMO members aged 50-65 years (n=234). Using a cross-sectional, descriptive research design, data were collected using a mailed survey. The response rate was 56%. Data were analyzed using independent samples t-tests, correlations, Chi Square, and regression. Results showed that the six-item CES had internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha of .89) and construct validity. Lower income, higher BMI, lower CRC knowledge, higher barriers, and lower self-efficacy were related to higher CES scores (or more embarrassment). Higher CRC knowledge, lower barriers, higher self-efficacy, and a physician recommendation for the test were related to higher compliance with colonoscopy. Lower barriers, higher self-efficacy, and a physician recommendation were predictive of compliance with colonoscopy. In conclusion, embarrassment is a significant barrier to colonoscopy, yet there are steps that can be taken to reduce embarrassment such as increasing privacy and limiting bodily exposure. The CES is a tool that can be used to measure colonoscopy-related embarrassment and the results could be used in developing further interventions to reduce embarrassment, leading to increased colonoscopies and lower mortality.

This dissertation consists of two essays that discuss the influence of embarrassment on consumers. In the first essay, I examine consumers’ coping responses to embarrassment in a meta-analytic review. In essay two, I utilize an experimental approach to investigate the impact of embarrassing encounters on unrelated consumers who merely observe the situation. In the first essay, the meta-analysis is guided by findings in the literature that demonstrate embarrassment can both promote and detract from consumer well-being. However, despite being investigated for decades, little is known about how consumers cope with embarrassing situations, and when and why consumers respond in positive and negative ways. The meta-analysis draws on the transactional framework of appraisals and coping to analyze the extant literature, construing positive responses as problem-focused coping, and negative responses as emotion-focused coping. I examine both situational and trait factor moderators to explain variance in these divergent outcomes and to resolve competing findings. A meta-analysis of 93 independent samples (N = 24,051) revealed that embarrassment leads to both problem-focused coping (r = 0.21), which can promote consumer well-being, and emotion-focused coping (r = 0.23), which can detract from consumer well-being. The relationship between embarrassment and emotion-focused coping was particularly strong in emotionally intense situations that were out of a transgressor’s control, for female consumers, and for consumers with an individualist orientation. The relationship between embarrassment and problem-focused coping was particularly strong in emotionally intense situations for male and young consumers. The second essay investigates the influence of embarrassing situations on neutral observers of the situation. The extant literature suggests that a consumer who commits a social transgression will experience embarrassment if real or imagined others are present to witness the transgression. However, the parallel embarrassment experienced, in turn, by those observers lacks a theoretical account, since observers have committed no transgression and are not the subject of appraisal by others. I label this phenomenon observer embarrassment, and introduce perspective taking as the underlying process that leads to observer embarrassment. Across six studies, I use physiological, behavioral, and self-report measures to validate the presence of observer embarrassment, as well as the underlying perspective-taking mechanism. Specifically, the results demonstrate that observers are more likely to experience embarrassment when they imagine themselves as the transgressor (versus experience empathy for the transgressor), something more likely to occur when the observer and actor share a common identity. Thus, observer embarrassment is not an empathetic response to witnessing a social transgression, but rather an experience parallel to personal embarrassment of others.