Nowadays the role that energy plays in international affairs is not only in the military’s role, we can see how energy is a strong part of diplomatic strategies for many countries, the result of economic and energy security depends on energy prosperity, thus the importance of energy has been growing rapidly. Since the 1970’s, energy as such has become then most important part of national economies, social and political problems, largely determining the different development processes, global and regionally, and at the same time affecting national security and political stability. The importance of energy lies on the need of energy supply and high prices; interest for this topic can be linked to the terrorism threat, political instability in some countries that export energy for example the nationalist ideology raising in some countries that interrupt drastically the continues flow of energy exports, geopolitical problems, or sharp increase of hydrocarbon consumptions. There are many areas where the cooperation between China and Bolivia is working, and in the energy area we can see the interest of China and the interest of Bolivia in working together to develop this area. Since 2006, China has been increasing the ties with the Bolivian government, approaching to the National interests of the current Bolivian government on developing energy and industrializing the natural resources that Bolivia possesses. On the other hand China has been facing a high rate of economic growth making it able to cooperate with any nation or multiple nations at the same time in many fields. Moreover, energy is a topic inside the Chinese foreign policy toward South America as its rapid economic growth directly influences the consumption of energy. Nowadays China’s national market demand for fuel and energy has surpassed the national productions making China a big consumer and international hunter for energy resources in order to continue with the national economic growth of China in the next years. Every country pursues national security, which includes a complex perception of not only military capabilities or development tools, but also economic growth. The force that stimulates economic development of the state appears nowadays to be the energy resources; energy security greatly enhances national security of one state, thus energy cooperation becomes an issue of high importance in a globalized world, what are the contact points, requirements and implications of the energy cooperation between Bolivia and China? This issue will be explored in this thesis.

The fifth generation (5G) wireless communications technology will be a paradigm shift which does not only provide an explosive increment on the achievable data rate per cell, but also ideally decreases the costs and energy consumption per data link. The engineering requirements of 5G standard can be intuitively interpreted as highly enhanced spectral efficiency and energy efficiency. This thesis focuses on the practical implementation issues of the massive multiple-input multiple-output (MIMO) and energy harvesting systems. To begin with, massive MIMO, as one of the key technologies of 5G systems, can provide enormous enhancement in spectral efficiency. For a practical massive MIMO system, hybrid processing (precoding/combining), by restricting the number of RF chains to far less than the number of antenna elements, can significantly reduce the implementation cost compared to the full-complexity radio frequency (RF) chain configuration. This thesis designs the hybrid RF and baseband precoders/combiners for multi-stream transmission in the point-to-point (P2P) massive MIMO systems, by directly decomposing the pre-designed digital precoder/combiner of a large dimension. The performance of the matrix decomposition based hybrid processing (MD-HP) scheme is near-optimal compared to the singular value decomposition (SVD) based full-complexity processing. In addition, the downlink communication of a massive multiuser MIMO (MU-MIMO) system is also investigated, and a low-complexity hybrid block diagonalization (Hy-BD) scheme is developed to approach the performance of the traditional BD method. We aim to harvest the large array gain through the phase-only RF precoding and combining and then BD processing is performed on the equivalent baseband channel in the massive MU-MIMO scenario. The MD-HP and Hy-BD schemes are examined in both the large Rayleigh fading channels and millimeter wave channels. On the other hand, energy harvesting is an increasingly attractive and renewable source of power for wireless communications devices, which contributes to the enhancement of the system energy efficiency. This thesis also designs the energy cooperation assisted energy harvesting communication between a practical transmitter and receiver, whose hardware circuits consume non-zero power when active. The energy cooperation save-then-transmit (EC-ST) scheme aims to obtain the optimal active time ratio and energy cooperation power for the maximum throughput under additive white Gaussian channels and the minimum outage probability under block Rayleigh fading channels. / Graduate

Diploma thesis Russian efforts to export natural gas to People's Republic of China until 2014 is work discussing cooperation in the field of Russian natural gas deliveries to China. My aim is to analyze this cooperation and answer the question what circumstances lead these two countries to signing the deal in May 2014. This deal is unquestionably the biggest milestone in bilateral relations of Moscow and Beijing so far. The aim of the work however is not going into complex political problems of both countries. For this paper it is more important to analyze main obstacles which limit the cooperation and focus on the circumstances which allowed it to develop further. Diploma thesis is divided into several chapters. First part provides a brief view into the past and explains the absence of closer trade relations before. The next chapter focuses on the fact that this cooperation is extremely important for both aforementioned states. The third section examines the problem of Russia and China which restrict the cooperation. It also mentions outside factors, such as competing projects. Another three chapters are most important in the thesis and deal with the analysis of individual negotiations, leading to a final agreement in May 2014. Cooperation in the supply of gas in liquefied form which already works...

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(エネルギー科学) / 甲第19820号 / エネ博第326号 / 新制||エネ||66(附属図書館) / 32856 / 京都大学大学院エネルギー科学研究科エネルギー社会・環境科学専攻 / (主査)教授 宇根﨑 博信, 教授 石原 慶一, 教授 手塚 哲央 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Energy Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

yes / This article provides an overview of the current stage of development as well as the outlook for future cooperation in the field of renewable energy between the European Union and the countries of Middle East and North Africa (MENA). To continue with the progress achieved in the context of the Mediterranean Solar Plan the MENA region should adopt a regionally coordinated approach due to the absence of an established institutional and regulatory framework for trans-regional cooperation. While several studies have highlighted the competitiveness of electricity produced from renewable energy sources in MENA, governments and policy makers in the region should carefully assess their ability to ensure a sustainable policy framework for the renewables sector and opportunities for trans-regional exchanges of electricity. This article proposes that in order to address governance issues and facilitate the creation of a regional energy market, MENA countries may need to adopt an intergovernmental instrument such as the Energy Charter Treaty or the International Energy Charter.

Cette étude porte une analyse comparative entre quatre projets de coopération gazière en Amérique du Sud et Asie du Sud-Est. Elle repère le rôle du leadership en soulignant des questions qui importent aux acteurs et des facteurs qui conditionnent les stratégies pour former les coopérations gazières régionales. Le principal but du plan méthodologique est de développer un cadre d'analytique de leadership et de construire une narrative analytique des quatre projets de coopération gazière. Ce faisant, l'étude traite analytiquement des sources primaires et secondaires qui sont renforcées par des entretiens d'expert ainsi que des observations sur le terrain. L'analyse comparative montre que des acteurs impliqués sont multiples et complexes. Leurs interactions se produisent à deux niveaux : politique et commercial. D'ailleurs, les deux niveaux sont affectés par trois contextes: politique, économique, et technique. Au niveau politique, des acteurs sont préoccupés de la stratégie pour formuler la vision et les objectifs du projet de coopération. Puisque l'Etat est l'acteur autoritaire, l'étude constate que la consultation avec d'autres acteurs est absente. Au niveau commercial, des acteurs publiques et privés sont en tête de la formation des partenariats ainsi que de s'engager dans le lobbying pour trouver à la fois du soutien politique et financier. Tel engagement intense entre des acteurs révèle un type de leadership particulier, nommé leadership par mandataire (proxy leadership). En dernière analyse, trois catalyseurs : le pouvoir, la gouvernance, et la culture, mènent l'approvisionnement en leadership en Amérique du Sud et Asie du Sud-Est. Tandis que le pouvoir et la culture sont plus forts en Amérique du Sud, la gouvernance a une présence assez faible dans les deux régions. / This study compares four natural gas pipeline cooperation projects in South America and Southeast Asia. It identifies the role of leadership by highlighting issues that matter to actors and factors that condition strategies to form regional gas cooperation projects. The study's key methodological objective is to develop a leadership analytical framework by synthesizing regime and leadership theories. It then constructs analytical narratives of the four natural gas pipeline cooperation projects. Toward this end, various primary and secondary sources are exploited, which are complemented by expert interviews and field observation. The comparative analysis shows that actors involved in regional gas cooperation projects are multiple and complex. Their interactions occur under two processes: political and commercial. These processes are further affected by three contexts: political, economic, and technical. At the political level, actors are preoccupied with the strategy to formulate vision and objectives for the cooperation project. Because states are dominant at this stage, consultation with larger stakeholders is often absent. At the commercial level, public and private actors are at the forefront forming partnerships and engaging themselves in intense lobbying for bath political and financial support. Such intense relationship between these actors reveals a particular leadership type called proxy leadership. The overall provision of leadership in both South America and Southeast Asia is driven by three catalysts: power, governance, and culture. While power and culture are more crucial in South American case studies, both regions seem to share rather weak governance in forming regional gas cooperation projects.

The thesis researches whether in the Visegrad Group there is growing importance and securitization of energy security and military security leading to further cooperation based on recent crises. The thesis also researches whether Russia is perceived as a threat. This is done through content analysis of national security strategies, energy security strategies and military or defence strategies, as well as discourse analysis of official statements presented by ministries and governments of the Visegrad Group states. In the text, also materials published by the Visegrad Group as a whole are analysed. The discourse analysis in case of the states is focused on moments of crises. In energy security field, three crises were chosen: gas crises of 2006 and 2009, as well as oil crisis of 2008. In the chapter about military security, two events were chosen- conflict in Georgia in 2008 and military exercises in 2009. As it is presented, cooperation in energy security is already taking place and cooperation in military affairs in form of battlegroup is planned. Especially in energy security, a link between recent crises, their securitization and cooperation might be seen based on the research.

This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.