Ethnic interest groups have historically played a role in the making of American foreign policy but their influence has increased especially following the end of the Cold War. This influence has important repercussions on American foreign policy towards the home countries of the powerful ethnic groups and the regions that these countries are located in. Within this context, this thesis examines the sources or the reasons of the influence of ethnic interest groups on American foreign policy, which has also affected Turkish-American relations significantly. It first focuses on the structural factors that make ethnic influence possible such as the characteristics of the American political system and the important role that Congress plays in the formulation of foreign policy. It then discusses the organizational factors such as organizational strength and using of successful persuasion and dissuasion methods that make it possible to influence American foreign policy. It ends with a normative discussion on the desirability of ethnic influence on American foreign policy.

This study focuses on the Mexican-American community in the US, the American and Mexican governments, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and trade in general between the US and Mexico. The empirical focus of this study is the influence of the Mexican-American diaspora on US policy, specifically with respect to trade. I attempt to trace the influence of the diaspora in the political debates over NAFTA, and in the post-NAFTA debates. I pose the following questions: 1-Does the Mexican-American diaspora have influence in US domestic politics and the US-Mexico relationship? 2-Does the diaspora use what influence it has to achieve its interests? 3-If so, is it generally successful? These questions will be explored in the context of American trade policy. The Mexican-American diaspora has the resources and characteristics needed to exert influence, but is it so inclined? In order to measure its influence, it must first be asked whether the diaspora attempts to use it in pursuing specific interests. An important component of this analysis will be to determine whether Mexican-Americans are able- and perceived as able- to influence decision-making in the US government through the vote. Other important questions therefore include: Do Mexican-Americans vote? If so, whom do they vote for? And, are Mexican-Americans politically active? The answers to these questions will help us paint a more accurate picture of Mexican-Americans and their influence on US trade policy. This study will reveal that the Mexican-American community has played an increasingly important role in American politics. It will show that the Mexican-American diaspora has an impact on domestic issues such as immigration, but that it is also interested and influential in foreign policy, particularly trade. I intend to demonstrate this influence by exploring its role in the establishment of NAFTA and in the ensuing American debates on hemispheric trade policy. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-02-25 15:32:54.122

This thesis seeks to examine the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby in the United States and the strategies it has utilized in its approach to countering the Armenian Lobby's efforts at official Recognition of the Armenian Genocide. While the Armenian Lobby and its approach to Genocide Recognition in the United States has been well-documented, the organizational structure of the Turkish Lobby and its approach to counter Genocide Recognition has been less explored. The Turkish Lobby consists of various Turkish-American organizations with close ties to Ankara, as well as professional lobbying and public relations firms contracted by the Turkish government for millions of dollars annually. The variety of actors that compose the Turkish Lobby is a reflection of Turkey's multi-pronged approach to preventing Genocide Recognition. This seeks to examine the primary strategies the Turkish Lobby has employed to counter Genocide Recognition, as well as its strengths and weaknesses according to indicators of effective ethnic group lobbying. Two case studies are presented in order to gain a better understanding of the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby and the strategies it employed to prevent two House Resolutions calling for Genocide Recognition. The findings show that the Turkish Lobby fulfills several...

Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.