<p> This study explores the history of Basque immigration to the rangelands of Nevada. It views the Basque immigrant sheepherder labor within the social, economic, political, and cultural context of Nevada. Tensions and conflicts occurred as immigrant workers confronted new environments, new labor conditions, and new social adjustments in the context of their new immigrant status. As such, issues developed with other ethnic workforces and over land and water use, particularly upon the advent of the Progressive Conservation Movement in the Far West. </p><p> In the late nineteenth century, as sheep and cattle grazing expanded into Nevada (especially from California and Texas), Basque immigrant labor became increasingly visible and encountered discrimination in the use of public ranges. Yet, as the twentieth century progressed stock operators (Basque and Anglo alike) in the sheep industry began to prize Basque labor in the grazing of sheep to the point where that labor became privileged above all others. A stereotype developed of Basque sheepherders that reaffirmed an image of their natural expertise for the tending of sheep that could not be duplicated by any other racial or ethnic group. This study attempts to deconstruct the essentialism surrounding the making of these views that not only attribute to Basques special sheepherding skills, but also confer upon them a degree of racial whiteness and values that entitled them to a privileged labor category. </p><p> The 1924 restrictive Immigration Act resulted in a truncated labor supply from the Basque Country. During the Great Depression and especially in WWII the labor shortage became acute. In response Senator Patrick McCarran from Nevada lobbied on behalf of his woolgrowing constituency to open the immigration doors for Basques. Subsequently Cold War international tensions offered opportunities for a rapprochement between the United States and Francisco Franco despite Spain&rsquo;s previous sympathy with the Axis powers. McCarran took it upon himself to become an informal intermediary with the Spanish dictator to seek more flexible policies on immigration to permit Basques to enter the United States. Ultimately this study explores the role of Basque agricultural labor and McCarran&rsquo;s ad-hoc diplomacy as catalysts that eventually helped bring Spain into the orbit of western democracies.</p>

<p> As internal migration started to increase in the late 1970s in China, ethnic minorities have also participated in this demographic event to improve their livelihood. However, minority migration has been much neglected in the current literature. To fill the gap in the literature, the dissertation aims to: (1) examine migration selectivity and destination selection process of ethnic minorities in China; (2) investigate whether migration can lead to upward socioeconomic mobility for ethnic minorities; (3) assess the extent of socioeconomic integration of minority migrants at destination places; (4) reveal and explain differences in patterns of migration and destination adaption across ethnic groups; and (5) uncover temporal patterns of minority migration, migration outcomes, minority integration at destinations. To achieve these goals, this dissertation makes use of the micro-data of the 1990 China population census, the 1995 mini-census, the 2000 census and the 2005 mini-census. </p><p> Regarding minority migration process, model results suggest that education selectivity of minority migrants is mostly positive, but it is only consistently observed for the Zhuang. While migrant networks and co-ethnic networks does not matter much for the out-migration decision for minorities, they do weigh more on minority migrants&rsquo; decision as to where to go. Minority migrants tend to go to places with larger migrant networks. In general, they also go to places with more co-ethnics, but the effect of co-ethnic networks reveals important group-specific differences. </p><p> Minorities can mostly benefit from engaging in migration. However, what is interesting is the finding that the Uyghurs stand out as the only minority group that shows a trend of deteriorating migration outcomes. Moreover, evidence also reveals that for the Uyghurs and the Zhuang, long-distance migration is not more beneficial than short-distance migration. <?Pub _newline></p><p> Finally, very different patterns of incorporation at destination communities emerge from the analyses. The relative position of the Uyghur migrants to the Han is declining over time and in the most recent time period, they are doing significantly worse than their Han counterparts. The Hui and the Koreans are doing more successfully. Surprisingly, the Zhuang migrants are disadvantaged to the Han and this disadvantage is consistent across time.</p>

<p> What explains variation over time in how states treat &ldquo;non-core groups&rdquo;? What are the reasons for co-opting, accommodating, or politically excluding them? Drawing on insights in ethnic politics and international relations, a recent body of literature claims that interstate relations and foreign policy ought to drive state decision making toward externally linked groups. Yet, I observe outcomes that suggest that when regimes perceive a higher threat to internal regime security than they do to their territorial borders, domestic politics is more important in driving regime decision making toward such groups. In such situations, even if non-core groups are supported by unfriendly external powers, I argue that regimes decide to accommodate, accommodate and co-opt, or politically exclude such groups based on their location in the architecture of the opposition&mdash;the numerical strength and diversity of identities in the opposition that threaten the regime in power. The causal mechanism for this relationship is the perception of proximate threats to regime security from political opposition, with larger, crosscutting oppositional configurations posing a bigger threat than smaller, homogenous opposition. I also argue that regimes prefer non-core groups to &ldquo;stay in their lane&rdquo;, that is, that they remain narrowly political in regards to pursuing goods from the state related to their identity.</p><p> This dissertation employs an in-depth, single case study of one group in the same country over time, testing the finding in a secondary country using a most similar systems approach. The case of Kuwait&rsquo;s treatment of its Shi&lsquo;a from 1963 through 2011 serves as the in-depth case study, and uses data gathered from seventy interviews during half a year of fieldwork in Kuwait City in 2013, in addition to documents from the British National Archives and Arabic media. I also briefly compare outcomes in policies toward the Shi&lsquo;a to policies toward the stateless residents and expatriates. Insights from the Kuwaiti case are tested on the secondary case of Bahrain to explain regime treatment of the Shi&lsquo;a from 1973 through 2011. I also suggest that the theory may be extrapolated to explain the variation in recent relations between the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the non-core Kurds in Turkey. The findings crack open the black box of ethnic politics in semi-authoritarian regimes, helping to explain variation&mdash;and some counter-intuitive co-optation&mdash;in cases in which we might expect more exclusion in general.</p>

<p> In December 1865 the South Carolina State Legislature ratified a series of laws designed to control the social and economic futures of the freedpeople. Informally known as the Black Code, South Carolina&rsquo;s white leadership claimed these laws protected blacks from their own naivet&eacute; in their newfound freedom. Rather, the Black Code relegated African Americans to inferiority and perpetuated the long-standing belief in white supremacy that permeated the South. </p><p> The South Carolina Black Code limited the freedmen&rsquo;s civil rights, regulated their employment opportunities, and attacked the details of their most intimate personal relationships. Despite the challenges they faced, African American&rsquo;s did not quietly accept their new quasi-slave status. In South Carolina, the freedmen voiced their concerns regarding the new laws and became active in state politics. African Americans embraced their opportunity to create positive political change, which along with other factors ultimately led to the demise of the Black Code. With support both locally and nationally, black South Carolinians soon gained rights previously denied to them. In less than a year&rsquo;s time, the South Carolina Black Code ceased to exist as a result of state and federal legislation. </p><p> The significance of the South Carolina Black Code was not as much in the letter of the laws themselves, but rather in the message the creation of the code sent to both the freedpeople and their supporters. To South Carolina&rsquo;s white leadership, though free, African Americans were not their equals. Moreover, the Black Code established precedent for future laws designed to discriminate against African Americans. The Black Code created a foundation for antebellum-like hostilities against former slaves in the post-bellum South. Segregation and violence ensued and fostered a legacy that lasted for almost a century.</p>

<p> Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus (T2DM) is the seventh leading cause of death in the United States with a projected increase of 552 million people worldwide who will be affected with this illness by 2030. The need to address this issue is vital to prevent complications and reduce healthcare spending. The DNP project is aimed at planning and designing a nutritional education program tailored toward specific ethnic groups in order to increase knowledge in making healthy food choices. This project is intended to educate Registered Nurses (RNs) on nutrition so that they can offer dietary knowledge to T2DM patients. Additional patients can be reached by educating the RNs rather than patients being limited to consultations with a Certified Diabetes Educator or Registered Dietician. This project focused on whether healthy nutrition tailored toward the individual&rsquo;s own ethnic foods helps to stabilize glycemic values for patients with Type 2 diabetes. A toolkit was utilized to aid with the RNs&rsquo; learning on healthy nutrition and its impact on the management of blood glucose. It addressed areas such as food groups and calories, grocery shopping, preparation methods, and portion control. The framework for design utilized the basic concepts associated with the systems theory with an intended goal to prevent further complications and improve patients&rsquo; glycemic value through consuming nutritious foods. The logic model will be used to evaluate the impact of healthy nutrition on blood glucose through pre- and post-program tests of the RNs&rsquo; nutritional knowledge on healthy eating. The continuation of this program will promote positive social change by helping patients to achieve a healthier lifestyle and reduce healthcare expenditures.. </p>

<p> The literature suggests that identifying with a particular place can promote a sense of ethnic identity. This study focused on eight Italian American community members&rsquo; perceptions of San Diego&rsquo;s Little Italy as both a container and creator of ethnic identity. </p><p> The study addressed a) how the participants define and convey their Italian American ethnic identity and b) how the participants perceive the role of San Diego&rsquo;s Little Italy pre-redevelopment and post-redevelopment in creating and shaping their sense of being Italian American. The study employed a case-study design. Ethnohistoric accounts of life experiences were gathered from participants selected through convenience and maximum variation sampling procedures. Polkinghorne&rsquo;s narrative analysis process was used to organize and display the individual accounts, and a cross-case analysis was conducted to identify emergent themes. </p><p> Three overarching themes emerged from the narratives: a) Elements and Manifestations of Social Capital, b) Cultural Characteristics and Dynamics, and c) Evolving Purpose of Place. Each theme in turn comprised four subthemes that helped to illuminate each theme&rsquo;s dynamics. </p><p> Overall, a sense of community ownership was evident in the narratives from both former and current residents. For some participants, Little Italy was less about ethnicity and more about an upscale urban lifestyle enhanced somewhat by an Italian American cultural sensibility. For others, Little Italy in its current manifestation holds little meaning; instead, these participants look to the former neighborhood and its characteristics to maintain an emotional connection to place and their cultural heritage. A noteworthy subgroup comprises participants who grew up in San Diego&rsquo;s Italian neighborhood and are now an integral part of Little Italy&rsquo;s rebranding. For them, a measure of tension exists: They are focused on continued progress in Little Italy but also lament the community&rsquo;s changing cultural climate along with the disappearance of its historical assets. </p><p> Further studies could illuminate dynamics of Little Italy&rsquo;s managing organization and its role in shaping an updated Italian American culture. Studies of Italian Americans with no connection to a designated Italian American place also would provide opportunities to better understand the role of place in the development and maintenance of ethnic identity.</p>

<p>Like any good public relations campaign, this dissertation aims to offer a persuasive interpretation of certain key facts. The facts, as I see them, are as follows: first, a great number of contemporary novels and poems explore the personal and social consequences of diasporic migration. Second, these texts, along with their print and electronic paratexts, share a pervasive interest in media. And third, these works are rarely read in conversation with one another, despite their mutual concern for migration and media. Owing to this last point in particular, scholarship has failed to fully address the broader media theories developed in and across these works, and failed to fully pursue how these media theories respond to, and critically comment on, the prospects for deliberative democracy in an age of globalization. In response, my project argues that diasporic media practices advance a transnational critique of public sphere theories. And yet, I claim this critique seeks to recover the resources of such theories and redeploy them in a global context. The four chapters of this dissertation are arranged in a communications circuit that treats (in order) media production, circulation, reception, and survival. Together, these chapters observe how diasporic populations shift from invisible anomalies to visible publics through their highly stylized and politicized use of media technologies. Ultimately, I emphasize that contemporary American literature cannot be understood without engaging reading and writing publics from the Dominican Republic, Canada, Nigeria, Korea, and more.

<p> Cooperation between members of subordinate and dominant national groups under conditions of alien rule is routine: rulers demand it, and the ruled&mdash;willingly or unwillingly&mdash;supply it. Yet the boundaries of acceptable and unacceptable cooperation&mdash;what I term interactional norms&mdash;vary. Scholars have yet to explain how and why cooperation varies under military occupation, colonial rule, or other cases of asymmetric power relations between distinct identity groups. This study fills that gap by assessing fluctuations in Palestinian cooperation with Israel from 1967&ndash;2016, building a theory of <i> Purpose-Driven Boundary Maintenance.</i> It process-traces a causal story, beginning with leadership dynamics, working through social purpose, and noting distinct and probable outcomes around interactional norms. Social purpose&mdash;<i> the shared goals of a group that create obligations to behave in ways that aim at achieving collective goals</i>&mdash;is considered a necessary condition for realizing clear interactional boundaries for subordinate groups under alien rule. Social purpose is triggered with cohesive leadership, producing sharp interactional norms and encouraging norm-compliance. When national strategy aims toward diplomacy, interactional norms will be positive (promoting cooperative relations with the dominant group), and compliance will be high. When national strategy aims at resistance, interactional norms will be negative (prohibiting certain interactions with the dominant group), and compliance will be moderate. Fragmented leadership, on the other hand, fails to trigger social purpose, resulting in social anomie. Where compliance exists, it is sporadic and isolated from a cohesive national strategy. This study draws on 2 years of fieldwork and process-traces changes in Palestinian interactional norms from 1967&ndash;2016, highlighting critical junctures and explaining shifts in five major phases of contestation: (1) The beginning of occupation&mdash;1967&ndash;1987 (2) the first intifada&mdash;1987&ndash;1993 (2) the Oslo years&mdash;1994&ndash;2000 (3) the second intifada&mdash;2000&ndash;2006 (4) and the post-inqisam years&mdash;2006&ndash;2014. </p>

<p> The Darfuri families have been a new population to Colorado. Most of the Darfiuri families come to the USA as Genocide survivor and come from hardship life. The study looks at what factors impacts the Darfuri families&rsquo; life, who are recent immigrant to the USA. Previse research has looked at how the Darfuri family adapted the their new life in Colorado. The study looked at the strengths and the difficulties the Darfuri families handle on a daily basis through several themes including life before the war and during war and after the war, life in the refugee camps and in their new life in Colorado. The primary data was used for the purpose of this thesis. For this study, families consisted of 6 participants who were interviewed. Then qualitative data was analyzed by finding factors that were exhibited through this study. Results provide four common themes throughout the research.</p>

<p> This research project employs youth development and critical race theory to understand the participation gap in social media. It does this by prioritizing youth voice as the focal point of knowledge creation. It explores why this is such vital topic for academic discussion within education and youth development. It delves into previous work on the topic through a literature review. This qualitative study is based on four focus groups (6 -8 youth each) and three in-depth follow up interviews across four different high schools in the Sacramento area. An inductive grounded theory approach was used to analyze the focus groups and interviews. This paper will explain that process as well as state findings and potential implications for youth, parents, and teachers. This research will provide an examination of the online trends of youth activity and help inform strategies for healthy social media use.</p>